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Tag: war

מדוע האנטישמיות הולכת וגואה בעולם

 אנו עדים לעליה משמעותית באנטישמיות ברחבי העולם אחרי השבעה באוקטובר. על כך אין מחלוקת

אך נשאלת השאלה מה הביא לעלייה הכל כך משמעותית באנטישמיות כולל פגיעה פיזית ביהודים וישראלים בעולם? למרבה הצער בישראל מעדיפים שלא להתעסק בסיבות אלה רק בתוצאות שכידוע הן קשות מאוד ולא מוצדקות בשום מקרה

קודם כל: הגל האנטישמי הנוכחי לא החל מהשבעה באוקטובר אלא לאחריו. זאת, לאחר שבעולם החלו לראות את התמונות הקשות מרצועת עזה. גם הפעולות המזויעות של החמאס ושותפיו בשבעה באוקטובר שכללו רצח, אונס ועוד מעשים בלתי אנושיים – לא יכולים לשמש כתירוץ לפגיעה והריגת אלפי ילדים, נשים ואחרים שגרו ברצועת עזה. אי אפשר לטעון שכל תושבי הרצועה הם אנשי חמאס ושאר הארגונים, למרות שקל לעשות זאת. המראות הקשים האלה מהרצועה הם שהדליקו את מדורת השנאה הנוכחית כנגד הישראלים והיהודים בעולם. בישראל לא רוצים להבין זאת וממשיכים להתעלם מהמציאות הקשה של תושבי רצועת עזה, שחלקם הגדול אף מורעבים. לא פלא שישראל הפכה כיום לאחת המדינות השנואות בעולם. כצפוי ראש הממשלה, בנימין נתניהו, הוא אחד האנשים השנואים ביותר בישראל וכן ברחבי העולם כולו

הדיבורים של שרי הממשלה בדבר החלת הריבונות הישראלית על השטחים הכבושים, תוך כדי עיבוי ההתנחליות שהן דבר ביומו, וכן הגליית כל תושבי הרצועה בהתאם למשנתו הגרועה של נשיא ארה”ב המטורף, דונלד טראמפ, רק מגבירה את השנאה כלפי הישראלים והיהודים בעולם. החלת הריבונות והגליית הפלסטינים מהרצועה עשויות גם להרחיק מדינות ערביות מהסכמי השלום עם ישראל

ולאור זאת ולמרות הכל, ממשלת נתניהו מאלצת את צה”ל להמשיך ולהילחם בעזה כאשר מחיר הדמים הוא גבוה ביותר. כשש מאות חיילים נהרגו מאז כניסת צה”ל לעזה לאחר השבעה באוקטובר

מרבית החטופים שחזרו לישראל שוחררו באמצעות משא ומתן וצה”ל הצליח לשחרר בעצמו מספר בודד של חטופים. ומהצד השני נהרגו אלפי אזרחים מקומיים ברצועת עזה כתוצאה מפעילות צה”ל

לאור זאת אני שואל בקול גדול: כמה עוד חפים מפשע משני הצדדים צריכים להיהרג בעזה כדי שממשלת הדמים של נתניהו תואיל להוציא את הצבא משם? האם המספרים הגבוהים האלה שהשאירו אלפי משפחות יתומות מתאבלות על אובדן יקיריהם – לא מספיקים לכם? האם אתם רוצים וצריכים בעוד נהרות של דם באזור

בישראל בדרך כלל לא חושבים על רק על היום ולא על מחר ובוודאי ובוודאי שזה לא מטריד את ממשלת נתניהו: לא העליה הקשה באנטישמיות ברחבי העולם, לא העמקת הפילוג בתוך ישראל ולא המשך אבדן חיים משני הצדדים. בישראל בעידן של נתניהו שכחו כנראה שהאירועים הקשים האלה ברצועת עזה ישליכו גם על עתידה של ישראל ושכנותיה

יש לזכור שרבים בקרב הטרוריסטים הפלסטינים שאחראים על פעולות טרור רצחניות בישראל לאורך השנים, שייכים למשפחות שאיבדו את יקיריהן בפעולות שונות של צה”ל. ולכן לא מן הנמנע שתמונה זו תחזור על עצמה בעתיד הנראה לעין, וחלק מהטרוריסטים העתידים לפגוע בישראלים ימנו על משפחות פלסטיניות שאיבדו את יקיריהן ברצועת עזה. אני חושש שהתוצאה של הנזק העצום בעזה תעלה לישראל במחיר כבד בעתיד. וכמו שציינתי היינו כבר בסרט הזה בעבר

ארה”ב השאירה נזק רב במקומות בהן צבאה פעל בהם אפגניסטן, עיראק ווייטנאם. אך מדינות אלו רחוקות מאוד מארה”ב, לעומת רצועת עזה הסמוכה לישראל. מוטב היה אם ממשלת נתניהו הייתה חושבת גם על המחר, ועל כך שישראל מוקפת בשכנות שצריך להמשיך לחיות עימן גם בעתיד

Posted on October 16, 2025October 8, 2025Author Roni RachmaniCategories עניין בחדשותTags 7 באוקטובר, antisemitism, Gaza, Israel, Netanyahu, Oct. 7, politics, war, אנטישמיות, ישראל, מלחמה, נתניהו, עזה, פוליטיקה
Genocide claims examined

Genocide claims examined

The authors of Debunking the Genocide Allegations: A Reexamination of the Israel-Hamas War from October 7, 2023 to June 1, 2025 sought to do two things in their research: assess the factual basis of war crime and genocide allegations, and examine how information is gathered and transmitted in conflict zones. Among the claims examined is whether enough aid was getting into Gaza from Israel. (IDF Spokesperson via besacenter.org)

A new study conducted by a team of researchers critically examines accusations that Israel committed crimes against humanity, such as planned starvation, deliberate massacres and even “genocide,” during the Israel-Gaza War, between Oct. 7, 2023, and June 1, 2025. Using a blend of quantitative-statistical analysis, forensic documentation, primary sources and comparative military history, the study aims to distinguish propaganda from fact and highlight systemic failures in major international information bodies. Its authors emphasize that their objective is not legal or moral exoneration, but a factual analysis of the methodologies and evidence behind genocide claims.

Research for the 311-page study – Debunking the Genocide Allegations: A Reexamination of the Israel-Hamas War from October 7, 2023 to June 1, 2025 – was led by Prof. Danny Orbach, a military historian from the department of history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in collaboration with Dr. Jonathan Boxman, an expert in quantitative research; Dr. Yagil Henkin, a military historian at the Shalem Centre and the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security; and attorney Jonathan Braverman, a member of the Israeli bar and a lawyer for International Humanitarian Law. It is published by the Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan University in collaboration with the aforementioned institutions.

The researchers sought to do two things: assess the factual basis of war crime and genocide allegations, and examine how information is gathered and transmitted in conflict zones, particularly in regions ruled by oppressive regimes and/or populated by closed societies with a strong “resistance” ethos. Special emphasis was placed on cross-referencing Israeli, Palestinian and international sources, while actively avoiding ideological bias and preconceived assumptions. The authors highlight that subordinating factual analysis to advocacy narratives can undermine public policy and distort ethical and legal discourse.

image - Debunking the Genocide Allegation report coverThe study’s key findings are:

No basis for starvation claims prior to March 2025

• More food entered Gaza during the war than before Oct. 7, 2023. The claim that 500 aid trucks are required daily stems from a misrepresentation by United Nations bodies, one that was left unchallenged and unchecked. Prewar UN records cite an average of 73 food trucks per day in 2022. During the fighting (until Jan. 17, 2025), the Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) recorded an average of 101 food trucks daily whereas retroactively corrected but still incomplete UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) data indicated 83 food trucks per day. Food that entered the Gaza Strip during the ceasefire should have sufficed until late July 2025, according to World Food Programme projections, even absent any aid following the resumption in the fighting. It is hard to explain this gap without considering extensive looting by Hamas, for which the study’s authors provide ample evidence.

• Although UNRWA initially reported a 70% drop in aid after May 2024 and the Rafah operation, it later retroactively corrected these reports. This correction was effectively unannounced and hence the supposed aid drop continues to be cited broadly.

• Contrary to the claim that 44% of Gaza’s food comes from local agriculture, the study finds this number was baseless even before the Hamas takeover. It is likely that, even in 2005, Gazan agriculture accounted for no more than 12% of Gazan caloric consumption and the number is almost certainly much lower today. The study further finds that even if every ton of crops produced in Gaza in 2011 (the last year in which an analysis was published) was substituted, the number of trucks entering Gaza per capita throughout the war would still be 58% higher per capita than it was in 2011.

• Notwithstanding the above, the authors strongly criticize the decision to stop aid to Gaza between March and May 2025.

No evidence of a systematic civilian targeting policy

While isolated incidents may point to negligence or localized misconduct and suspicion of individual war crimes, no evidence was found of overarching directives aimed at harming civilians. The authors did, however, try to map the patterns of Israel Defence Forces misconduct and possible crimes, and examine which crimes were probably more prevalent and which ones were relatively absent from this conflict.

Data manipulation by Hamas

The Gaza Health Ministry, per Hamas directives, categorizes all deaths as civilian. This manipulation has significantly skewed international reporting. Indications have been found for the inclusion of age-related natural deaths, particularly of women, in the ministry of health’s lists and exclusion of combat-aged men.

IDF’s exceptional precautionary measures

The IDF has implemented unprecedented steps, such as early warnings, precision targeting and mission aborts to avoid civilian harm. These actions, while costly to the IDF, have reduced non-combatant casualties.

Evacuation zones were significantly safer

According to partial data, less than 4% of deaths occurred in Mawasi and the central camps – areas marked as evacuation zones by the IDF – undermining claims of deliberate attacks on safe areas. The failure of the UN to cooperate with the establishment of such zones resulted in considerable loss of civilian life.

Systematic failures in UN and NGO reporting

Numerous claims were based on circular citation, opaque assessments and unannounced retroactive corrections. For instance, UNRWA’s truck count discrepancies were corrected without sufficient publicity. Updated UN data confirms Israel’s consistent assertion of increased aid after May 2024.

A precedent for this kind of flawed reporting can be found in the aftermath of the 2009 Gaza War. Former UN jurist Richard Goldstone, who led the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict, later expressed regret over some of the report’s conclusions. In a 2011 Washington Post op-ed, he wrote: “If I had known then what I know now, the Goldstone Report would have been a different document.” 

The suffering of civilians in Gaza is both tragic and undeniable. However, this research calls on the international community to ensure that humanitarian discourse remains anchored in verifiable facts. Without accurate data, advocacy loses credibility – and future atrocities may be overlooked due to inflated or politicized claims.

While the suffering of civilians in Gaza is indisputable, the authors caution against humanitarian advocacy narratives built on unverified or manipulated data. Their study does not aim to exonerate or diminish the suffering experienced, but rather to protect the integrity of academic discourse and, by implication, humanitarian and public discourse. When advocacy eclipses accuracy, policy decisions become distorted and genuine accountability is compromised, the authors warn. They urge the international community to uphold higher evidentiary standards in conflict reporting – regardless of the actors involved.

Broader methodological analysis

This study is not unique to the Israel-Gaza conflict. Similar patterns of humanitarian data distortion were identified in Iraq under sanctions, raising broader questions about the methodologies employed in closed or authoritarian environments.

The study also examined other conflict zones, such as Iraq in the 1990s. During that period, it was widely claimed – based on Iraqi government data and a UN Food and Agriculture Organization survey – that hundreds of thousands of children died due to sanctions. The survey reported a rise in infant mortality from 40.7 to 198.2 per 1,000 children. These findings were later revealed to be fabricated by Iraqi authorities. Even when the researcher who conducted the survey acknowledged being misled, the correction failed to impact the wider humanitarian discourse.

Likewise, inflated assessments of violent and nonviolent Iraqi deaths during the Iraq War were widely disseminated and accepted during the conflict – only being laid to rest definitively in 2023.

“Humanitarian bias”

The authors introduce the term “humanitarian bias” to describe a tendency among aid organizations to accept alarming claims from stakeholders in order to mobilize urgent action. In this context, factual corrections are often met with hostility or ignored altogether – undermining accuracy in humanitarian reporting. Even when myths are disproven, corrections are rarely incorporated into public or academic understanding.

The study proposes a new methodological framework for analyzing violent conflicts – one that prioritizes cross-referencing multiple sources, systematic scrutiny and transparency, and resistance to political and media-driven narratives.

The authors emphasize that credible allegations of war crimes demand serious legal and ethical investigation – not only due to their consequences but also in adherence to international law, Israeli law and moral standards.

Orbach warns: “If every severe urban war were defined as genocide, it would ultimately dilute the legal and moral power of the term. ‘Genocide’ would become an empty political slogan, rather than a tool to prevent atrocities.”

This study builds on that call for greater evidentiary caution, particularly in war zones governed by authoritarian regimes.

Debunking the Genocide Allegations can be downloaded at besacenter.org. Following the publication of the Hebrew edition on July 4, 2025, there was extensive feedback from readers, critics, experts and commentators. In some cases,  there was valid criticism that warranted corrections and revisions. Consequently, the English edition is not a mere translation of the Hebrew version but a thoroughly revised, corrected and updated work. 

– Courtesy Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Format ImagePosted on September 12, 2025September 11, 2025Author Hebrew University of JerusalemCategories Israel, WorldTags Bar-Ilan University, Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies, countering disinformation, Debunking the Genocide Allegations, food aid, genocide, global politics, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, humanitarian bias, International Humanitarian Law., Iraq War, Israel-Hamas war, research, Shalem Centre, war

ישראל ממשיכה לדעוך ונתניהו ממשיך לחגוג

כאשר גרתי בישראל צפיתי שהמדינה תלך למקומות לא נכונים והיא תעמוד מול סכנות הולכות וגוברות מכל הכיוונים. אחד מחברי הטובים טען אז שאני רואה שחורות, מגזים בפסימיות שלי ונבואותי הרעות לא יתגשמו. לאורך השנים האחרונות החבר שינה את דעתו לגבי נבואותי מקצה לקצה. ועכשיו הוא טוען שהמציאות הקשה בה ישראל נמצאת, היא הרבה יותר קשה ממה שחזיתי ולכן נבואותי היו אופטימיות מידי

אני יכול להבין את אלה שרוצים להיות אופטימיים, לראות את האור, לשמוח ולעסוק בדברים חיוביים. אך אסור לשכוח שמי שמתעלם מהמציאות הקשה ביותר בה ישראל נמצאת כיום, מאפשר לראש הממשלה המושחת, בנימין נתניהו, להמשיך בדרכו הגרועה תוך חיסול הדמוקרטיה. ההיסטוריה מלמדת אותנו שמנהיגים רעים הולכים ותופסים תאוצה כאשר אין כח גדול שעומד מולם ועוצר אותם. אזרחים שמעדיפים לעסוק בחיי היום יום ולהתעלם ממה שקורה בישראל, יתעוררו יום אחד ויראו שהדמוקרטיה נמוגה לחלוטין, שזכויותיהם נעלמו ואין להם יותר זכות בחירה. ישראל בשליטת נתניהו צועדת לכיוון המסוכן הזה במלוא העוצמה. כי כידוע נתניהו חושב רק על נתניהו ולא אכפת לו מאחרים, בהם המשפחות השכולות, משפחות החטופים, תושבי ישובי הספר ואחרים

כל עוד לא יתאגדו כל כוחות האופוזיציה בניסיון רציני להפיל את ממשלת נתניהו המסוכנת, כל עוד לא יצאו לרחובות מיליוני אזרחים להפגין נגדה ונגד המדיניות שלה, הרכבת שצועדת אל התהום האסוני הזה לא תיעצר. על תושבי ישראל לנקוט בכל הצעדים האפשריים לעצור את נתניהו וממשלתו הרעה ולמנות תחתם ממשלה שפוייה שתדאג לישראל ולא לעצמה. המלחמה בעזה מיותרת, עולה במחיר רב של חיילים שנופלים, החטופים לא משוחררים וגם פלסטינים רבים נהרגים ללא סיבה מוצדקת. לאור זאת, ישראל הפכה כיום להיות אחת המדינות המנודות והשנואות בעולם. ולא פלא שהאנטישימיות מרימה ראש, וישראלים ויהודים נפגעים כל הזמן פיזית מאלה ששונאים אותם. האנטישמיות צפויה להחמיר כל עוד צה”ל ממשיך לפעול בעזה ולפגוע ולהרוג אזרחים מקומיים שם

את הישראלים המתנגדים לנתניהו אפשר לחלק לשלוש קבוצות: הקבוצה הראשונה כוללת את אלה שיעשו כל מאמץ להילחם בו, להביא לפיטוריו ובעצם פיטורי כל הממשלה הנוראית הזו. הקבוצה השנייה כוללת את אלה שמבינים שישראל תמשיך להידרדר לתהומות עמוקים עוד יותר. ועל כן מבחינתם הפתרון היחידי האפשרי הוא לעזוב את המדינה. הקבוצה השלישית כוללת את החלשים והתבוסתנים המציינים כי אין מה לעשות אלה לקבל את גזרות נתניהו כמו שהן, ולקוות לטוב

בתור אחד שנולד וגדל בישראל עצוב לי לראות את תהליך הנסיגה הגדולה של המדינה וההידרדרות הבלתי נתפסת הזו. יש שטוענים שכל הרע החל מהשבעה באוקטובר, אך אני חושב שזה התחיל הרבה שנים קודם לכן. בחודשים האחרונים, חברו הטוב של נתניהו במשך שנים, הסופר איל מגד, התנתק ממנו והחל לבקר אותו בחריפות. מגד הוא דוגמא טובה לחברים ומעריצים מושבעים של נתניהו ומשפחתו, שיום אחד התעוררו והבינו שהוא אסון למדינה. אני כבר אמרתי זאת בסוף שנות השמונים. נתניהו תמיד היה נתניהו: נוכל, שקרן פתולוגי, אינטרסנט ומגלומן. טועה מגד ה מציין כי הוא הבחין בתכונותיו השליליות של נתניהו רק אחרי השבעה באוקטובר. מגד היה עד אז פשוט עיוור שהעריץ את נתניהו

אם לא יקומו הישראלים ברובם ויהפכו לאקטיביים כדי להעיף את שלטונו של נתניהו, ישראל תלך לאבדון. אם לא תקום ממשלה חדשה ושפויה בקרוב זה יהיה אסון. הנזק שנתניהו גורם כל יום הוא כבד מנשוא.

Posted on September 10, 2025October 8, 2025Author Roni RachmaniCategories עניין בחדשותTags 7 באוקטובר, antisemitism, Gaza, Israel, Netanyahu, Oct. 7, politics, war, אנטישמיות, ישראל, מלחמה, נתניהו, עזה, פוליטיקה

לאן נתניהו לוקח את ישראל

:איש צבא בכיר לשעבר שמשתייך למחנה השמאל בישראל אומר על בנימין נתניהו

זה כמעט שנתיים לא השיגה ישראל הכרעה במלחמתה נגד ארגון טרור המצויד ב”טנדרים וכפכפים”, כדברי ראש הממשלה, למרות שכבר הרגה כשני אחוז מתושבי הרצועה. אבל אל דאגה, האיש הזה החליט לפצות אותנו על הכישלון בחזית הקטנה בפתיחת חזית נוספת, ראויה ללביאים שכמותנו, בפותחו במלחמה נגד מדינה ששטחה גדול משטחנו פי 66 ואוכלוסייתה מונה פי עשר מאוכלוסיית ישראל, כולל ערבים וחרדים שלא נושאים בנטל הבטחוני, וממעטים לשאת (שלא באשמתם) בנטל הכלכלי והטכנולוגי

ישראל שיכולה הייתה לסיים את המלחמה בעזה כבר לפני שנה, לשחרר את כל חטופיה ולהיכנס, תחת חסות אמריקאית, להסכמי נורמליזציה, בריתות צבאיות וכינון יחסים דיפלומטיים עם המדינות הסוניות המתונות, לו רק הסכימה לקדם את פתרון שתי המדינות, החליטה להעדיף את החזון המשיחי, את העליונות היהודית, את הגזענות, את האפרטהייד ואת מלאכת השמד והגירוש של תושבי הרצועה

ישראל שהפכה עבור הפלסטינים את רפיח וג’יבאליה למה שסטלינגרד מסמלת לרוסים, ומרד גטו ורשה ליהודים, מעניקה עכשיו לאיראנים על מגש של כסף את מה שהעניקו היפנים לאמריקאים בפרל הארבור: מוטיבציה מטורפת להשיב מלחמה שערה המוזנת על ידי עלבון צורב. התלכדות פנימית, ונחישות סבלנית וארוכת טווח לפגוע בנו אנושות

התבונה המדינית המינימלית מחייבת לנטרל איומים אפשריים ולחזק בריתות אזוריות בבואך להבעיר חזית חדשה גדולה ומאיימת. אבל אנחנו, סרבנים אולטימטיביים שכמותנו לכל פשרה, לכל הסדר, העדפנו להעצים את ההתלקחות האזורית, כי זו הייתה הדרך היחידה לשמר את לכידותה של הממשלה, להשכיח את מחדל העוטף ואת החטופים, וללכד שוב את עדר הכבשים הפבלובי על ידי השמעת רעם תופי המלחמה. עובדה, כולם מריירים

המלחמה שפתחנו נגד איראן בשורת חיסולים המזכירה מלחמת כנופיות יותר מאשר מלחמה בין אומות לא תשיג הכרעה. היא אולי הצליחה להנחית מכה ראשונית מכאיבה, אבל מהר מאוד היא תהפוך למלחמת התשה והקזת דם שעלולה להימשך שבועות, חודשים ואפילו שנים, וזאת בשעה שאורך הנשימה שלנו, בכל מובן אפשרי קצר יותר מזה של האיראנים

כדאי להיזכר במלחמת איראן עיראק שנמשכה 8 שנים גבתה קרוב למיליון הרוגים, חיילים ואזרחים, איראניים, מעל למיליון נכים, שני מיליון עקורים ואומה שמשננת עד היום בהתלהבות את הסיסמה ‘ג’נג, ג’נג תא פירוזי’ (מלחמה, מלחמה עד הניצחון)

המוטיבציה להשיג נשק גרעיני ולהגיע למאזן אימה מול ישראל שכבר מזוינת בנשק כזה רק תתחזק, והנזקים שאנחנו נסב לפרויקט הגרעיני יתוקנו תוך חודשים או שנים מועטות

אני רוצה להאמין בכל לבי שמישהו סביב שולחן מקבלי ההחלטות לקח בחשבון את התסריט ההגיוני הזה ואולי מישהו הרגיע אותו שמיתקפה מוצלחת תערער את המשטר ותביא להפלתו. אולי. אין לדעת. כרגע מסתמן שהסולידריות של אזרחי איראן עם המשטר דווקא גדלה תחת רושם המהלומה הראשונה

אז יצאנו למלחמה להשיג מטרה מוגבלת מבלי לקחת בחשבון שאולי היא תתרחב לעימות מתיש וארוך. לא צריך אלפי טילים ביום כדי להכניס את מדינת ישראל לטרפת, לסגור את נמלי התעופה והים שלה ולגרום לה נזקים כלכליים, נפשיים ולאומיים חמורים

מספיק כמה עשרות שיגיעו למטרות מדי שבוע כדי לסגור את המרחב האווירי, לשבש את שגרת החיים, לחבל אנושות בכלכלה המקרטעת ובמוסדות החינוך, להפוך את המציאות כאן לבלתי אפשרית, לפחות לאלו שלא מצוידים במקלטים אטומיים

אז יצאנו למלחמה להסיר סכנה עתידית שנויה במחלוקת וקיבלנו סכנה מיידית שלא ברור עד כמה אנחנו מוכנים להשלכותיה

Posted on July 23, 2025July 4, 2025Author Roni RachmaniCategories עניין בחדשותTags Gaza, Iran, Israel, Netanyahu, nuclear weapons, war, איראן, ישראל, מלחמה, נשק גרעיני, נתניהו, עזה

Doing “the dirty work”

Israel’s decades-long conflict with Iran is no longer a proxy war, but a real war. Israel has bombarded sites associated with Iran’s nuclear program – as has the United States – and assassinated top military officials and nuclear program scientists. Israel also has targeted installations of the Iranian Revolution Guard Corps, the branch of Iran’s military that reports directly to the supreme leader and protects the nation’s Islamic identity from internal and external threats. Iran has launched missiles at Israel, as well as at a US military base. As of press time, a US-brokered ceasefire appeared to be holding.

Ending Iran’s nuclear program, or, at a minimum, setting it back, is the objective of Israel’s military operation. Regime change – a situation in which the Islamist government of the ayatollahs is replaced by something presumably better – is on the lips of Israeli and American leaders. But, as tempting and positive as that might sound, the immediate mission is more specific and tangible. Some express hope that the debilitated Iranian regime may be subject to internal rebellion. We should remember, though, that the Iranian regime fought an eight-year war with Iran that cost a million lives and millions more injured. That conflict, which ended in an effective stalemate, suggests massive loss of life is not a barrier to the ayatollahs’ ideological objectives.

Western countries, Americans especially, have seen the dangers of becoming entrenched in catastrophic military affairs half a world away, with decades-long engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan in which the people of the region by some measures are now worse off than ever.

We all prefer diplomacy to war, of course, and the discourse in the lead-up to Israel’s strikes on Iranian sites was focused on whether a negotiated resolution was possible. For now, however, negotiation is off the table, although a weakened Iran with a disabled nuclear program would presumably be more amenable to talking.

The objective of preventing end-times religious fanatics like those of Iran’s government from obtaining nuclear weapons is something that most reasonable people can get behind. But “mission creep,” the potential for a limited military plan to expand into a long-term engagement, is one of many dangers stemming from the current situation. 

Underestimating the seriousness of the enemy is another threat. Neville Chamberlain, the British prime minister in 1939, notoriously negotiated with Hitler and his name has gone down in history as someone who, put mildly, badly misjudged the preference for negotiation over force.

There have been dramatically conflicting reports about how close Iran is – or was – to nuclear weapons. Reports that Iran was on the cusp of nuclear capability were the justification for Israel’s attacks. Other reports suggest they were further away than Israel alleged. Perhaps no one knows but the Iranian regime.

We wish for peace. We also wish for a world where those who threaten peace can be contained. These basic truths can seem contradictory in the short term. But the long-term wish for peace, indeed the very survival of the Jewish people to judge by the explicit genocidal expressions from the top leaders of Iran in recent decades, requires that the nuclear program they have been constructing must never be allowed to near completion.

Interestingly, many voices who have condemned Israel’s approach to the war in Gaza are far more amenable to their approach with Iran. Although some people certainly view the Iranian threat and the Hamas threat as two prongs in the same war, the world seems more likely to acknowledge the urgent danger posed by Iran than they do the threat by Hamas, which is, at this point, limited primarily to Israelis. A nuclear Iran is viewed, by people in the West, as a direct threat to their own well-being – and that has seemed to focus their minds and create a common cause with Israel in ways the battle with Hamas has not.

Self-interest is a powerful force. A few leaders – notably Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who said Israel is doing “the dirty work” for “all of us” – have acknowledged that the fight against Hamas and Iran are parallel battles. Others seem determined to view them as largely separate, as though existential threats to Israel are neither as concerning nor as world-changing as the Iranian dangers.

This may be true, in terms of scope, especially now that Hamas is widely seen to be massively weakened. However, the larger reality, as expressed by the German leader, remains: Israel is the frontline in a war that affects us all. 

Posted on June 27, 2025June 25, 2025Author The Editorial BoardCategories From the JITags Iran, Israel, nuclear capability, politics, United States, war
Parshat Shelach Lecha

Parshat Shelach Lecha

On June 21, at Ohel Yitzhak in Nahalat Shiva, Gil Zohar celebrated the 57th anniversary of his bar mitzvah. (photo Gil Zohar)

Man plans, God laughs, goes the Yiddish aphorism. For the last half year, I have been diligently learning the trope of Parshat Shelach Lecha (the Torah portion meaning Send for Yourself) to celebrate the 57th anniversary of my bar mitzvah, which I had when I was a boy in Toronto. My wife Randi and I had planned a kiddush at the historic Beit HaRav Kook synagogue near our home in downtown Jerusalem. We are members there, and enjoy the leadership of Rabbi Yitzhak Marmorstein, formerly of Vancouver’s Or Shalom. Alas, the war with Iran started. In accordance with the Home Front Command orders against large public assemblies, the shul closed. And so, we considered canceling the simchah.

While all but Jerusalem’s most essential businesses were locked down tight as a drum, the wartime defence regulations allowed synagogues near a bomb shelter to keep their doors open, with limited attendance. Hence, Ohel Yitzhak, the Sephardi synagogue in our courtyard in Nahalat Shiva, built in 1888, remained open. And so, we switched the venue from the former home and yeshivah of Abraham Isaac Kook (1865-1935) – the first Ashkenazi chief rabbi of British Mandatory Palestine – to the equally historic synagogue where Ben-Zion Meir Uziel (1880-1953) – Kook’s Sephardi counterpart, who served as nascent Israel’s chief Sephardi rabbi until his death – used to pray.

The illustrious Sephardi landmark, resembling a house of worship in a mellah in Morocco, is close to the Herbert Samuel Hotel, which opened its miklat (bomb shelter) to the public as well as hotel guests. So, on June 21, undeterred by the spectre of a ballistic missile salvo, I was called up to chant Maftir and read the Haftarah. 

What’s it like when the air-raid sirens sound nightly and warplanes roar through the starry sky? Lori Nusbaum of Toronto, who came with her son, Ryan De Simone, for my second bar mitzvah, has been posting on Facebook:

“The 3rd night in Jerusalem and the 3rd siren alert went off; it was 4:35 a.m. Sleep is hard. You don’t want to be in a deep sleep and miss the [cellphone] notifications so you try to have ‘one eye open.’ There’s something strangely intimate about being in a smallish space with a bunch of strangers, some in bathrobes, carrying pillows and blankets, wearing slippers, with sleep still in their eyes. You aren’t sure if you should make eye contact or not. It’s nighttime, so conversation is not really happening. I think we all want to keep sleep in our brains, hope we can go back upstairs quickly and close our eyes for a peaceful rest of the night.”

Like many guests at the synagogue, Lori found my wartime bar mitzvah intensely emotional. “My somewhat unaffiliated son had an aliyah at one of the oldest shuls in Jerusalem,” she posted on Facebook. “Our friend, whose bar mitzvah we came to witness, literally took the tallit off his back to wrap around my son so he could go to the bimah. With tears in my eyes, so many emotions washed over me. Too many to describe adequately. This is what Israel is all about. The people who in the middle of a war come together, pray, help each other and celebrate life together. And give you the proverbial shirt off their back.”

The grim situation in which we find ourselves today parallels the Torah reading of Shelach Lecha (Numbers 13:1-15:41) and its equally pertinent Haftarah (Joshua 2:1-24).

Returning after 40 days of reconnoitring the Promised Land, the spies sent by Moses reported: “We went into the land to which you sent us, and it does flow with milk and honey! Here is its fruit [showing a huge cluster of grapes hanging from a stave, today the symbol of the Ministry of Tourism, proudly worn by every licensed tour guide]. But the people who live there are powerful, and the cities are fortified and very large.”

Then, Calev ben Yefune shushed the crowd declaring, “We should go up and take possession of the land, for we can certainly do it.”

Ten of his fellow spies (all except Joshua) disagreed – “We can’t attack those people; they are stronger than we are” – and they spread a slanderous report about the land they had probed. Misunderstanding the many funerals they had witnessed because of the plague God had sent so that the spies would go unnoticed, they said, “The land we explored devours its inhabitants. All the people we saw there are of great size. We saw the Nephilim there [the descendants of the giant Anak]. We seemed like grasshoppers in our own eyes, and we looked the same to them.”

Grasshoppers? They might as well have called the Jewish people cockroaches.

In the words of Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks ztz”l, this dibbat ha’aretz (slanderous report about the Land of Israel) is the language of fear and demoralization. They are big, we are small. They are strong, we are weak. They do not fear us, but we fear them. We cannot prevail.

Was this, in fact, the case? As the Haftarah makes clear, the 10 scouts could not have been more mistaken. A generation later, Joshua bin Nun too sent two spies – the same Calev, and Pinchas ben Zimri. They slept on the roof of a house belonging to Rahav the prostitute, which formed part of the walls of Jericho. Hearing about the spies, the city’s king ordered his soldiers to arrest them, but Rahav hid them and misdirected the guards. What is more interesting is what she tells the spies of the feelings of Jericho’s residents when they heard that the Israelites were on their way:

“I know that the Lord has given this land to you and that a great fear of you has fallen on us, so that all who live in this country are melting in fear because of you. We have heard how the Lord dried up the water of the Red Sea for you when you came out of Egypt, and what you did to Sihon and Og, the two kings of the Amorites east of the Jordan, whom you completely destroyed. When we heard of it, our hearts melted and everyone’s courage failed because of you, for the Lord your God is in heaven above and on the earth below.”

Like contemporary Gazans and Iranians, the people of Jericho were anything but giants – they were terrified of us. The spies of Moses’s day should have known this. They had already said in the song they sang at the Red Sea: “Nations heard and trembled; terror gripped Philistia’s inhabitants / The chiefs of Edom were dismayed / Moab’s leaders were seized with trembling / The people of Canaan melted away.”

How did 10 of the spies so misinterpret the situation? They misunderstood Moses’s instructions: “Alu zeh b’Negev v’alitem et ha-har” – ascend (alu) through the south, and ascend (va’alitem) the mountain. The word “ascend” (aliyah in Hebrew) also means to overcome. (When Martin Luther King Jr. famously said, “We shall overcome,” he was citing this verse.) The spies lacked the faith that the land would be theirs, despite God’s promises, and 39 years of wandering in the desert followed.

The Jewish people, in Israel and the diaspora, experienced a crisis of confidence in 1313 BCE following the Exodus from Egypt, on the eve of entering the Promised Land. Not so today. We have no such hesitations as the Israel Defence Forces battle the regime of the latter-day Haman in Iran and its Hamas, Hezbollah and Houthi proxies. Our response is to follow Moses’s instructions: “Alu.” Ascend. Overcome. Make aliyah.

To that end, I invite you to celebrate Parshat Shelach Lecha with me at Beit Ha Rav Kook (9 Rabbi Kook St.) on June 13, 2026. Next year, in peaceful Jerusalem. 

Gil Zohar is a writer and tour guide in Jerusalem.

Format ImagePosted on June 27, 2025June 26, 2025Author Gil ZoharCategories Op-EdTags bar mitzvah, Israel, Judaism, Ohel Yitzhak, Shelach Lecha, Torah portion, war
Opera based on true stories

Opera based on true stories

Arya Yazgan plays young Sophia in Sophia’s Forest, a chamber opera by composer Lembit Beecher and librettist Hannah Moscovitch, which is at SFU’s Goldcorp Centre for the Arts until June 1.  (photo by Anya Chibis)

City Opera Vancouver (COV) presents the Canadian premiere of Sophia’s Forest, a chamber opera by composer Lembit Beecher and librettist Hannah Moscovitch, on stage until June 1 at Studio T at SFU’s Goldcorp Centre for the Arts.

Directed by Julie McIsaac, under the baton of COV artistic director Gordon Gerrard, the one-act opera explores various themes through the story of a young girl, Sophia, who flees civil war and settles in a new country.

“In a time when it’s easy to feel overwhelmed by global conflict, Sophia’s Forest invites us to connect to the individual stories behind the headlines,” said Gerrard. “Composer Lembit Beecher and librettist Hannah Moscovitch have created a deeply resonant story – one that speaks to empathy, resilience and the enduring capacity for hope amidst even the darkest circumstances.”

While Sophia’s Forest is not based on a single true story, it draws inspiration from the lived experiences of many who have endured war, loss and displacement. Through the fractured lens of Sophia’s memory, the chamber opera speaks to the human cost of conflict and the strength required to overcome adversity. Its intimate setting and small ensemble help to magnify the emotional intensity, offering audiences a space for reflection and deeper understanding.

The production integrates live performance with projections by Wladimiro Woyno and an array of mechanical sound sculptures, created from bike wheels and wine glasses, that are controlled remotely in real time by the composer Beecher. These sounds and images – accompanied by a live string quartet – conjure memories and dreams from Sophia’s past: the ring of a wine glass becomes a child’s voice; the whirr of a bike wheel evokes fluttering wings.

For its Canadian premiere, Sophia will be performed by soprano Elena Howard-Scott, Anna (Sophia’s mother) by Adanya Dunn and Wes (Anna’s partner) by Luka Kawabata. Young Sophia will be performed by Arya Yazgan and Emma (Sophia’s sister) by Audrey Gao, both members of the Vancouver Bach Family of Choirs. The chamber opera will include sound design by Richard Berg with costumes by Alaia Hamer.

Sophia’s Forest is COV’s first project in a multi-year initiative that aims to showcase and explore the stories and experiences of newcomers to Canada, including celebrating artists who contribute to Canada’s cultural diversity. For tickets and information, visit cityoperavancouver.com. 

– Courtesy City Opera Vancouver

Format ImagePosted on May 30, 2025May 29, 2025Author City Opera VancouverCategories Performing ArtsTags childhood, City Opera Vancouver, Hannah Moscovitch, Lembit Beecher, Sophia’s Forest, war
Chim’s photos at the Zack

Chim’s photos at the Zack

A photograph by David Seymour (Chim) of children in Normandy, in 1947. Part of the exhibit Chim’s Photojournalism: From War to Hope, at the Zack Gallery until June 15. (photo from Ben Shneiderman)

The new show at the Zack Gallery, Chim’s Photojournalism: From War to Hope, features one of the most influential photographers of the 20th century – David Seymour (known as Chim). Chim was killed in 1956, a few days before his 45th birthday, while photographing the Suez Crisis in Egypt, but his legacy lives on even now, almost 70 years after his tragic death. 

Gallery manager Sarah Dobbs told the Independent that Ben Shneiderman, Chim’s nephew and the manager of his estate, approached her about the show.

“I was immediately intrigued,” she said. “I met with him and asked if we could host the exhibition. I recognized its importance to the community at the JCC and also to the city of Vancouver. It is a rare opportunity to showcase such an amazing photojournalist. It made sense to host it during the Festival of Jewish Culture in May. I met with the art committee here, and they agreed.… This is the first time these works will be shown together in Canada.” 

According to Dobbs, the exhibit was initiated by Cynthia Young, a curator at the New York International Centre of Photography, using vintage prints in their collection.

“Then, the Illinois Holocaust Museum & Education Centre produced the 51 modern prints for their showing,” Dobbs said. “Later, they were presented in Portland, Ore., at their Jewish museum and Holocaust education centre. I flew down to Portland to see the exhibition while it was there and chatted with the curators.”

To package and ship the display to Vancouver, Dobbs needed funds. “I applied for grants and approached individuals,” she said. “In addition to the shipping cost, we also had a special wall built inside the gallery. It will serve us for other exhibitions, moving forward.” 

The show preview on April 22 was a joyful event, presided by Shneiderman, who shared with guests his intimate knowledge of his uncle’s work and life. 

David Seymour was born in 1911 in Warsaw. His father, Benjamin Szymin, was a respected publisher of Yiddish and Hebrew books. As a young man, Seymour studied printing in Leipzig and, later, chemistry and science in Paris. He wanted to become a scientist. Meanwhile, photography fascinated him. He started taking photographs and selling them to support himself financially, and unexpectedly found a passion for humanitarian photojournalism. His first credited photographs appeared in the French magazine Regards in 1934. 

Interested in social issues, Seymour photographed labourers and political rallies, famous actors and street scenes. At that time, he adopted his professional name, Chim, a simplification of his last name, Szymin.    

Between 1936 and 1938, as a photojournalist, Chim documented the Spanish Civil War and other international political events. Twenty-five of his Spanish stories were published in Regards. Several of those photos are included in the Zack show. One of them, a close-up of a nursing mother looking up, obviously troubled (1936), is well known. Shneiderman said several history scholars studied this photograph and concluded that it was one of the inspirations of Picasso’s 1937 masterpiece, “Guernica.” Chim’s photo of Picasso in front of “Guernica” positions the painting’s detail of a woman looking up at the falling bombs, right behind the artist. 

In 1939, Chim escaped the unfolding war in Europe for Mexico and, later, the United States. As a multilingual and Sorbonne-educated journalist, he served in the US military intelligence as a photo-interpreter. After the war, he resumed his photojournalism career. 

In 1947, he and a group of his friends, like-minded photographers, founded Magnum Photos, a cooperative run by photographers. Chim served as Magnum president from 1954 until his death. 

Chim’s postwar photographic stories are a blend of anguish and hope. Many of the images are on display at the Zack, divided into several distinct sections. The biggest section is “The Children of Europe.”

In 1948, Chim took a UNESCO assignment to report on the plight of the 11 million European children displaced by the war. He visited Italy, Greece, Hungary, Austria and other European countries. He photographed children who were maimed and orphaned, children playing beside ruins or working in print shops or begging in the streets.

“When LIFE magazine published a spread of those pictures,” Shneiderman said, “together with a list of organizations that accepted donations on behalf of those children, the pouring in of donations was unprecedented.”  

Another series of photographs focused on postwar Germany. One of the most poignant ones in this series shows a section of a beach divided by barbed wire – the border between West and East Germany. A couple of boys lounge on the sand. A young woman in a swimming suit runs towards the water. In the foreground, a border guard in uniform stands grim and watchful with his guard dog and his rifle. Tension thrums through the image, underlined by questions and uncertainties.          

On the other hand, Chim’s Israeli photographs of the early 1950s are infused with hope. A man lifts his baby to the sky in elation – the first baby born in his village. A wedding is celebrated under the chuppah, its makeshift poles including a gun and a pitchfork. An Independence Day parade rolls through Tel Aviv. A team of fishers proudly display their catch of the day to the photographer. 

photo - A photograph by David Seymour (Chim) of a wedding in Israel, in 1952
A photograph by David Seymour (Chim) of a wedding in Israel, in 1952. (photo from Ben Shneiderman)

In all his visual stories, Chim is always there with his subjects. They are his co-authors. 

“It is that emotional connection that made many celebrities willing to pose for him,” said Shneiderman.

Chim photographed Ingrid Bergman and Audrey Hepburn, Sophia Loren and Picasso, and many others. These photographs are not included in the show, but, together with those that are included, they portray their creator as a man of courage, integrity and vision, one of the best photographic artists of the 20th century.    

“Is photojournalism art?” Dobbs mused. “Yes, I think so. Photojournalists capture a moment, an interaction at a specific time. Contemporary art is a mirror of our times. It reflects the societal changes, cultural shifts and significant events that shape our world. It is what the best photojournalists, like Chim, do.” 

Dobbs is certain that Chim’s work is still relevant.

“It continues to inspire and draw attention. It teaches photographers to get close to their subjects,” she said. “His images remind us of the past, of the destruction of war, but also of the humanity that transcends it, and of peoples’ resilience.” 

Chim’s Photojournalism: From War to Hope is on display until June 15. It is sponsored by the Averbach Foundation, Esther Chetner, the Yosef Wosk Family Foundation and the Government of Canada, in partnership with Shneiderman, Magnum Photos, the International Centre of Photography in New York, the Jewish Community Centre of Greater Vancouver and the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver.

For more information and to see a selection of photos, visit davidseymour.com. 

Olga Livshin is a Vancouver freelance writer. She can be reached at [email protected].

Format ImagePosted on May 9, 2025May 8, 2025Author Olga LivshinCategories Visual ArtsTags Ben Shneiderman, children, Chim, David Seymour, history, Israel, photography, photojournalism, Sarah Dobbs, war, Zack Gallery
Honouring Israel’s fallen

Honouring Israel’s fallen

Geoffrey Druker leads the Vancouver Yom Hazikaron ceremony at Temple Sholom on April 29. (photo by Pat Johnson)

On the morning of Oct. 7, Sgt. Tomer Nagar started his guard duty at 6 a.m. on the Israel Defence Forces base at Kibbutz Kissufim, near the Gaza border. 

He was alone with his weapon and the standard 675 rounds of ammunition. Half an hour into his shift, the base was hit by massive mortar fire, then swarmed by Hamas terrorists. The surveillance soldier who was monitoring the border told Nagar to retreat because he was massively outnumbered.

Nagar chose to ignore the instructions and remain at his post, intending to prevent or delay the terrorists’ entry into the base, to give his colleagues time to prepare and to fight for their lives. The battle went on for hours. 

“The Kissufim base did not fall into the hands of Hamas,” said Geoffrey Druker, as he began the annual Vancouver ceremony marking Yom Hazikaron, the day of remembrance for the fallen of Israel’s wars and all victims of terror, April 29, at Temple Sholom. “But 13 Golani solders and three from the Egoz unit were killed. When they finally reached Tomer Nagar, they found his body. Around him lay 675 empty bullet casings. He fought ’til his last bullet. He was 21 years old.”

Members of the British Columbia Jewish community lit candles in memory of loved ones, family and friends who have died during the 77 years of Israel’s existence as a state. The day of remembrance closed the following night at Congregation Beth Israel, prior to Yom Ha’atzmaut, Israel Independence Day, celebrations.

Druker, who for many years has led the local commemoration, highlighted instances in which fighters risked and often lost their own lives to prevent the advance of terrorists, thereby saving countless lives.

There were 31 police officers securing the 3,500 or so attendees at the Nova music festival. Equipped mostly with handguns, the officers held off as many infiltrators as possible. In the process, 16 of the 31 were killed, as were another five officers from teams that arrived as reinforcements. 

“Their battle helped prevent the terrorists from penetrating deeper into Israel and attacking other communities,” said Druker. 

Nearby, in the city of Sderot, the police station was attacked by Hamas terrorists in white pickup trucks, armed with anti-tank rockets. Seven police officers raced to the roof of the station to fight off dozens of attackers. With limited ammunition, they held out for nine hours. A special rescue unit managed to reach the scene and save most of the officers, but Mor Shakuri, one of two police on site that day, was killed. She was 28.

Inbar Heyman was a world-renowned graffiti artist, whose works can be seen throughout Tel Aviv under the name Pink. She attended the Nova festival to provide emotional support to the attendees.  

“When the attack started, she hid, and then tried to flee,” Druker said. “Around 1 p.m., she was caught and could be seen taken on a motorcycle into Gaza. Her family waited in fear to hear her fate – 71 days they waited until they were told she was murdered in captivity. She was 27 years old.” 

Inbal Binder and Raz Shifer, friends of Heyman who were with her at the festival, were in Vancouver. They lit a candle in her memory and read Yizkor.

At the IDF base at Nahal Oz, 54 soldiers were killed after the kibbutz was overtaken by Hamas on Oct. 7. These included 15 tatzpitaniyot, female surveillance soldiers. Another seven tatzpitaniyot were taken hostage in Gaza.

“One was later rescued by the IDF,” said Druker, “and one, Noa Matziano, was murdered at the Shifa hospital in Gaza. It took 482 days until the final tatzpitaniyot returned home in January this year.”  

Among those killed at Nahal Oz on Oct. 7 was Roni Eshel, the eldest daughter of Eyal and Sharon Eshel’s three children. 

“She would typically end her text messages to her family, signing off with five emoji hearts, one for each family member,” Druker said. “On the morning of Oct. 7, when attacked, she was texting her parents. It was the last morning of her life. She ended her message with four hearts. Later, her father Eyal said, ‘I should have realized then what she was telling us.’” 

Ruthie Mizrahi, a Vancouverite who is a childhood friend of Eyal Eshel, lit three candles at the ceremony – one for Roni Eshel, one for Rotem Dushi, whose father Yaron was an army friend of Mizrahi, and one for her uncle, Oded Lifshitz, a founder of Kibbutz Nir Oz, whose family had to wait 503 days to hear that his body had been identified. 

Kfar Aza was the first kibbutz Hamas conquered on Oct 7. An estimated 250 terrorists entered the kibbutz, murdering 64 residents and taking 19 hostage.

Vancouverite Micha’el Richenshtein’s father, Eliyahu (Aliko) Reichenstein, was among those murdered. Richenshtein lit a candle in memory of her father and all who were murdered on Kibbutz Kfar Aza.

More than 300 terrorists invaded Kibbutz Be’eri, where they murdered 102 people and took 32 civilians hostage. Among the hostages was Carmel Gat, who was later found executed with five others, murdered as the IDF advanced on their location in Gaza. Lynn Adam Saffery, a British Columbian who is a member of Gat’s extended family, lit a candle of remembrance. 

Mushon Mizrachi recited kaddish for his nephew, Ben Mizrachi, the Vancouver-raised IDF medic who died a hero saving others at the Nova festival.

Other fallen were also commemorated.

Dany Guincher made aliyah with his family from Chile and, in 1967, joined the IDF, became a tank crew member, a commander and then an officer.

“On the sixth of October 1973 – Yom Kippur – Egypt and Syria tacked Israel,” said Druker. Guincher was then studying at university in Pennsylvania, but he managed to find a flight back to Israel. 

“He was greeted at the Ben Gurion Airport by his brother, Lito,” Druker said. “Dany joined the forces in the Sinai and led his tanks into battle in the city of Ismailia. On the 23rd of October 1973, his tank was hit and Dany Guincher was killed.” 

Lito, who was a member of the Vancouver community, has since passed away, but his son-in-law, Jack Micner, who is married to Dany’s niece Karen, lit a candle in Guincher’s  memory and read Yizkor.

Also present was Zev Tanne who, with his 17- and 18-year-old classmates of Mikveh Israel agricultural school, fought in the 1948 War of Independence as part of the elite Palmach unit of the Haganah. He survived a battle in which 11 of his classmates were killed.  

Lihi Shushan and Or Shukrun, shinshiniyot (teen emissaries), honoured fallen soldiers and civilian casualties from Vancouver’s partnership region in the Upper Galil.

Ruchot Hatzafon, headliners of the following evening’s Yom Ha’atzmaut celebration, performed. 

Druker thanked the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver for supporting and Temple Sholom for hosting the event, as well as the musicians who performed.

Israel’s deputy consul general for Toronto and Western Canada, Shani Azulai, addressed the event in a recorded video message.

Rabbi Eliahu Barzilai of Congregation Beth Hamidrash recited El Moleh Rachmim.

Format ImagePosted on May 9, 2025May 8, 2025Author Pat JohnsonCategories LocalTags Geoffrey Druker, Israel, memorial, Oct. 7, terrorism, war, War of Independence, Yom Hazikaron
An almost great movie 

An almost great movie 

Coexistence, My Ass! follows Israeli activist and comedian Noam Shuster Eliassi as she develops her show of the same name. (photo from DOXA)

Coexistence, My Ass!, directed and produced by Amber Fares, is almost a great documentary. But it fails to ask at least two key questions that would have made for a more in-depth portrayal of an interesting and complex human being. 

Coexistence, My Ass!, whose May 4 screening at the DOXA Documentary Film Festival already has sold out, is about comedian Noam Shuster Eliassi, who was born in Wahat Al-Salam / Neve Shalom / Oasis of Peace, a village in which Jewish and Palestinian Israelis have chosen to live together. It has been considered a model of coexistence and  Shuster Eliassi grew up amid the idealism it represented, and speaks Arabic fluently. She and her best friend (to this day), Ranin, a Palestinian Israeli living in Oasis of Peace, were among the kids trotted out as the generation who would bring peace. 

Shuster Eliassi’s mother is Jewish Iranian and her father is Jewish Romanian. The couple met in high school (in what country is not revealed), so basically grew up together. They decided to live in Oasis of Peace and became, says Shuster Eliassi in her act, what most Israelis love to hate most: woke, progressive leftists. “They believe in the radical idea that Israelis and Palestinians deserve the same equal human rights! Crazy. So radical.”

It seems important to know why Shuster Eliassi’s parents left their respective countries to live in Israel, but especially her mother. With Iran as the main funder of Hamas’s – and other terrorists’ – murderous activities, and the fact that tens of thousands of Jews had to flee after the 1979 revolution, it seems that Shuster Eliassi’s mother’s experience is crucial to understanding Shuster Eliassi. But this question, if ever asked, doesn’t make it into the film.

Shuster Eliassi is an intelligent and accomplished person. By age 15, she had graduated, so to speak, from being one of the kids giving flowers to visiting celebrities (who would often mistake her, because of her dark skin, for being Palestinian – and with such good Hebrew!) to speaking around the world about coexistence and the possibilities for peace. At 21, she got a full scholarship at Brandeis University for being a peace activist. She even met the Dalai Lama, who, she quips, didn’t think she was Palestinian –  “He just thought I was Indian.”

At 25, Shuster Eliassi landed a “peace worker’s dream job” – a position at the United Nations. We don’t learn much about what her job entailed, but there are clips of her speaking about the West Bank and Gaza as being the biggest prisons in the world, and how “the occupation” affects Palestinians and Israelis. Career-wise, she was on a wave of success, she says in her show, when she saw Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s TV program, made before he was elected, about a comedian who becomes president. Zelenskyy, of course, then did become president, so Shuster Eliassi observes that, if she wanted to take her political career seriously, she needed to start writing jokes.

photo - Comedian Noam Shuster Eliassi in performance
Comedian Noam Shuster Eliassi in performance. (photo from DOXA)

This takes us to where the film begins, with her at Harvard in 2019, where she’s been asked to deliver a peace-building project. She tells them that Coexistence, My Ass! will be that project, and she’s accepted.

In the documentary, we see the development of Coexistence, My Ass! and how Shuster Eliassi’s views change as the political situation in Israel deteriorates and the violence increases. Her parents are often her sounding board, as are friends and fellow comedians. We witness the results of a hate crime – the school in Oasis of Peace was set on fire in September 2020. We see moments of happiness, most unexpectedly, perhaps, when Shuster Eliassi returns to Israel from the United States with COVID and must be quarantined in a hotel, where sick Jews and Palestinians are being isolated from the general population.

“And everyone is radically getting along. This is a 5-star oasis of peace. If they continue getting along, my comedy career is over. Just kidding, you’ve read the news, I have material for years. Netanyahu has my back,” says Shuster Eliassi in her act. “Somebody give him a beeper,” she adds sheepishly, referring to Israel’s taking out of Hezbollah with exploding pagers in September 2024.

Months before Oct. 7, 2023, Shuster Eliassi was disillusioned and would get into yelling matches with Jewish Israelis protesting the Netanyahu government and dangers to democracy because their protests didn’t also explicitly call for equal rights for Palestinians. Whereas pre-COVID, she says, “My biggest responsibility is to speak to my people…. The Jewish audience is where we have to work,” the purpose of Shuster Eliassi’s comedy ceases at some point to be a way to encourage peace and becomes a form of resistance.

After Oct. 7, when some of Shuster Eliassi’s family and friends abandon their belief in coexistence because they feel peace with Palestinians isn’t possible, Shuster Eliassi goes the other way, giving up on coexistence because she feels – though doesn’t state explicitly – that peace with Jewish Israelis is not possible. 

Moria, a comedy writer, advises Shuster Eliassi that people need to hear what Shuster Eliassi has to say, but it can’t just be “genocide, genocide!” The role of a comedian, says Moria, is “to bring people together. To unify. We can’t stop the killing, but we can unify people. To get people to see the world through your eyes.”

“No, that’s not what I’m doing,” responds Shuster Eliassi, who explains that her goal isn’t to unify, it’s “to voice resistance to this insane show of force that has swept everyone up blindly.”

Shuster Eliassi’s friend Ranin reluctantly retains hope for coexistence because, otherwise, she tells Shuster Eliassi, there is no place for Palestinians and Arabs within Israel. For Shuster Eliassi, though, by the end of the film, there seems to be no place for Jews in Israel. She only sees fault with Israel, and somehow thinks that Hamas wouldn’t want to kill all Jews if Israel had dealt with “the occupation.”

If memory serves, Hamas is only mentioned once in the documentary, in a clip from Shuster Eliassi’s show, where it is part of a joke, perhaps one told before 2023, it’s not clear. Why Hamas plays little or no role in Shuster Eliassi’s view of the evolving situation is the second of those two key questions that would have made Coexistence, My Ass! a better film. 

While Shuster Eliassi laments that Israelis – even the coexistence crowd – are not able to meet Palestinians where they’re at, she is unable to meet her fellow Jewish Israelis where they are at. While she is comfortable performing at a Palestinian festival where she’s greeted by a man wearing a “Palestine vs the world” T-shirt that, on the back, has a Palestinian flag over all Israel, she isn’t comfortable with Israelis who would fill out that same map with no Palestinian territories. While she is correct that peace is only possible between equals, she only sees one oppressor – Israel. Not Hamas. Not any other international party, like Iran. Just Israel. 

Many of the people at the sold-out screening of Coexistence, My Ass! will think it’s the most amazing film ever because, despite attempting to be fair – and it seems like Fares honestly did try to present multiple sides – it ultimately heralds their anti-Zionist beliefs and justifies them. Others will be disappointed that Coexistence, My Ass! ends up being just another anti-Israel film, which will, no doubt, win more awards than it has already, despite its critical flaws. 

Format ImagePosted on April 25, 2025April 24, 2025Author Cynthia RamsayCategories TV & FilmTags coexistence, comedy, Gaza, identity, Israel, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Neve Shalom, Noam Shuster Eliassi, Oasis of Peace, Oct. 7, politics, storytelling, Wahat Al-Salam, war

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