Oct. 7

האלימות בישראל מורגשת בהרבה מגזרים

בעברי כאשר גרתי בישראל לא חשבתי שהמדינה נחשבת לאלימה במיוחד אך בשנים האחרונות שיניתי את דעתי. כיום להערכתי האלימות בישראל מורגשת בהרבה מגזרים וכמעט בכל פינה. חדשות לבקרים אנו קוראים על אלימות מצד אזרחים נגד אזרחים אחרים ועקומת האלימות הולכת וגדלה. נראה שהישראלים פורקים כל עול, מצפצפים אחד על השני ומנסים לפתור את בעיותיהם באמצעות אלימות, שחלקה קשה ביותר. האם המצב יכול להשתפר בעתיד ועקומת האלימות תשנה כיוון ותקטן? לא ברור. אך ברור שהאלימות המקומית במדינה היא התנהגות מדבקת וזו תמונה שבאמת לא הולמת ומחמיאה למדינה שנלחמת על קיומה. חלק יטענו שלאור המצב הבטחוני המסובך בו נמצאת ישראל גדלה האלימות בין האזרחים. אני לא יודע אם זו הסיבה העיקרית לאלימות המשתוללת בישראל. בכל מקרה לדעתי אין שום הצדקה לנקוט באלימות בין האזרחים

הנה מספר דוגמאות לאלימות במגזרים השונים: גננות ועוזרותיהן מכות ופוגעות פיזית בילדים בגנים, שכנים רבים על מקומות חנייה והולכים מכות, בעלים מכים את נשותיהם ואף פוגעים בהן מינית, משתתפים בחתונות הולכים מכות באולמות האירועים, אורחים בבתי מלון רבים והולכים מכות בחדרי האוכל, חיילים בצבא רבים והולכים מכות בחדרי האוכל הצבאיים, יריבים פוליטיים הולכים מכות בהתכנסויות פוליטיות, וכמובן גורמים פליליים יורים על יריביהם ולא מעט מוצאים את מותם בדרך זו. התנהלות פלילית זו מאפיינת את המגזר היהודי ואת המגזר הערבי כאחד. כמובן יש גם אלימות במגרשים הכדורגל שזה לא דבר חדש, וכן בין תומכי ממשלת נתניהו למתנגדים לה. אחד מארגוני הפשע שהשתלטו על קבוצת הכדורגל של בית”ר ירושלים – לה פמיליה – הוא תומך נלהב בממשלת נתניהו ולכן הוא אחראי גם באלימות קשה בתחום הפוליטי. צריך להוסיף גם את האלימות מצד דתיים וחרדים שלא בוחלים בשום דרך לקדם את מדיניותם הקיצונית. חרדים פוגעים בגורמים המזוהים עם הרעיון שהגיע הזמן שגם הם יתגייסו לצבא. ואילו מתנחלים פוגעים קשות בפלסטינים בשטחים הכבושים, וכן בערבים ישראלים בשטחי ישראל

ישראל שהייתה בעברה מדינה סובלנית, מתקדמת וליברלית הופכת להיות יותר ויותר שמרנית, ימנית, דתית ואלימה. בעבר היה הבדל גדול ותהומי בין תושבי שראל לתושבי השכנות במדינות ערב. לצערי בשנים האחרונות הפער הולך וקטן והתנהלות הישראלים והאלימות שמורגשת בכל פינה, מזכירה יותר ויותר את השכנות שמעבר לגבול

גיבוי לדברי בנוגע לאלימות הקשה בישראל מצאתי שימוש בבינה מלאכותית של גוגל. שם נאמר כי: “אלימות בישראל בשנה שעברה אופיינה בעלייה חדה ומדאיגה במגוון מדדים, החל מפשיעה חמורה בחברה הערבית ועד לזינוק במספר מקרי הרצח של נשים”. לגבי אלימות נגד נשים מוזכר כי “שנה שעברה הוגדרה כאחת השנים המסוכנות ביותר לנשים בישראל”. ולפחות ארבעים וארבע נשים נרצחו אשתקד. ואילו “הפשיעה במגזר הערבי ממשיכה להחמיר” ואשתקד נרצחו כמאתיים וארבעים ערבים ישראלים. ובכלל: “כחמישה עשר אחוז מתושבי ישראל חוו אשתקד סוג של פגיעה (הטרדה מינית, פשעי רשת או אלימות)”

לפי הבינה המלאכותית של גוגל שלושת הגורמים העיקריים לעלייה באלימות הם: 1) המלחמה בעזה לאור השבעה באוקטובר שהיו לה השלכות פסיכולוגיות קשות שהביאו לעלייה באלימות במשפחה והחמירה את המתח החברתי. 2) עליה בתפוצת הנשק החם במיוחד במגזר הערבי ובמשפחה. 3) חוסר אכיפה ותקציבים תוך דגש על מחסור בתוכניות אסטרטגיות בין משרדי הממשלה, ומשאבים לרשויות המקומיות לטיפול בשורש האלימות. בתקופת ממשלת נתניהו נרשם זינוק חד במספר הנרצחים בישראל. מדובר בגידול של כשמונים וחמישה אחוזים

The complexities of identity

More than 16 years ago, I was accepted into a master class for writing fiction with a well-known regional author at a university near me in Kentucky. I’d written lots of non-fiction and dabbled in fiction. I thought this would be a good opportunity. Shortly after arrival, I realized that this was a fiction class that specialized in Appalachian themes. Although I was from Virginia, my background wasn’t Appalachian. I felt like an outsider. I was also the only Jewish person there. As things progressed, the author suggested we should always “write what we know!” He talked a lot. The class was a lot drier than I’d hoped.

When it was time for short writing exercises based on prompts, I let loose. I purposely wrote to fit in, creating a vignette around church. When it came time to read these pieces, everyone nodded along with my church scenario – I was fitting in, but only because I was purposely faking it. First, I’d proved to myself that “write what you know” wasn’t always necessary, because, of course, famous fantasy or science fiction authors don’t truly know the alternate worlds they dream up. Even fiction authors don’t always know how to do everything they describe in their imaginary worlds. Second, I’d faked being part of the majority religious culture and those classmates bought it.

In the afternoon, it was time to workshop pieces we’d submitted earlier. I’d submitted writing that had been favourably reviewed elsewhere. I felt somewhat confident. However, the workshop’s approach was to criticize without complimenting – and many comments didn’t even seem relevant to what I’d written. When I tried to respond, I was shushed and told I must not know how these kinds of workshops worked. Responding was bad form. I was meant to be “shamed” without recourse. I felt vulnerable and took their unhelpful comments to heart, forgetting that I’d been part of different yet successful writing workshops long before, as a teen at the University of Virginia. The day dragged on. I noted the famed author’s agitation and cigarette smoking at the breaks. I wasn’t having a great learning experience.

I returned home to spend the evening with my husband and my father-in-law, who was visiting from New York. They’d just heard of the sudden death of a close family friend in a skiing accident. I devoted my evening to them and realized that skipping day two of this workshop to be with family was more important. I sent regrets to the famous author’s class, but I mostly felt relief.

Later, I learned that the famous author, whose work was described as traditional, heterosexual rural Kentucky, and who had a wife and small kids, was going through a divorce at the time of the workshop. Later, he became happily married to a man. I wondered again about the “write what you know” and “represent your identity” advice.

This all came to mind when I recently read obituaries of Tom Stoppard and Frank Gehry. Stoppard, a great Czech/British playwright, only addressed his Jewish heritage later in life, when he learned more about what had happened to his family during the Holocaust. Gehry, born to a Polish-Jewish immigrant family in Toronto, heard Talmud from his grandfather as a child. Although Gehry claimed he was an atheist, he attributed his questioning and creativity to the rich encouragement of his childhood. Gehry changed his name from Goldberg to Gehry at the urging of his first wife, who wanted to avoid antisemitism.

I gained access to this fuller description of these creative figures not from a single write-up but from several. If I’d relied on the CBC’s account of Gehry, I’d only have known about his Judaism from his name change and antisemitism concerns; CBC never used the word “Jew” or “Jewish.” The retrospectives on Stoppard’s work came from both the CBC and Jewish publications, but Stoppard’s last name came from a non-Jewish stepfather. That man wanted him to stop using the name Stoppard when his work became too “tribal” or Jewish for his stepfather’s taste.

Stoppard and Gehry were ethnically Jewish and had identity struggles. They and their families wrestled with who they were in a cultural climate that made it hard to be Jewish. I didn’t know either of these men or their families, but the public obituaries and descriptions brought into sharp focus that same feeling I’d had when I wrote about church activities from a first-person perspective.

I remember a family friend who changed his name to avoid quotas, to get into medical school more than 60 years ago. I’d hoped that this need for identity code-switching would no longer be so pressing when I moved to Winnipeg in 2009. For a time, this was true. I didn’t have to be so careful about saying who I was and what that meant. Now, after Oct. 7, this struggle has risen to the forefront again.

Since Oct. 7, 2023, we’ve faced options like whether to downplay our ethnoreligious identity, embrace it with joy and pride, perform it by speaking out against hate or by being a “good Jew” who doesn’t, the kind with whom many non-Jews feel most comfortable.

This isn’t an obvious choice. Many of us code-switch daily. It’s no different than what Jews did during the Hellenizing days leading up to the Maccabees and the Hanukkah story, or the days of the European Enlightenment, when Jews were finally considered “citizens” – up to 1933 or so.

There isn’t a “one size fits all” answer, nor is it clear that anyone would have the same answer for every situation. I often think back to that “famous author,” carefully performing as a heterosexual, married man and droning on as an expert. It may be that we’re all experts on our own identities, but it’s also necessary to name the experiences we have when we purposely or unconsciously obfuscate, struggle or react with pride when it comes to who we are.

Some parts of our identities loom large. Other aspects of who we are may lurk in the background most of the time. We cannot examine these issues until we think about them and name them. It’s easy to tell people to “write what they know.” It’s much harder to write who we are and what we don’t know, especially when it feels unsafe. Further, just like how Gehry and Stoppard’s names changed, we, too, evolve, morph and change over time, even if we don’t know how to describe it.

Joanne Seiff has written regularly for the Winnipeg Free Press and various Jewish publications. She is the author of three books, including From the Outside In: Jewish Post Columns 2015-2016, a collection of essays available for digital download or as a paperback from Amazon. Check her out on Instagram @yrnspinner or at joanneseiff.blogspot.com.

Jews in time of trauma

Many Jewish Canadians face unique mental health hurdles right now, and many of the professionals they depend on to help them are themselves struggling with related challenges.

The trauma that has affected Jews in recent years – from the horrors of Oct. 7 to the global explosion of antisemitism societally and in the personal lives of diaspora Jews – has created unprecedented needs in the mental health sector. Professionals in the discipline, including Jewish psychiatrists, psychologists, counselors and social workers, are often dealing personally with some of the same issues their clients are confronting.

Dr. Rotem Regev (photo courtesy Rotem Regev)

Dr. Rotem Regev is a Vancouver psychologist with a private practice specializing in trauma, as well as expertise in therapist training, especially addressing practitioner burnout. Burnout in the profession was exacerbated by COVID. Then came Oct. 7.

Within days of the terror attacks, Regev’s inbox filled with requests from Jewish clients, and from therapists. Non-Jewish clinicians approached her about how to counsel their Jewish clients.

She assembled a webinar for non-Jewish practitioners about the intersectionality of trauma and Judaism, called How to Help Your Jewish Client in this Unprecedented Time.

There were 70 non-Jewish therapists in the first webinar.

“At one point, pretty early on, my Jewish therapist colleagues came to me and said, why is this only for non-Jewish therapists? We need to know what to do,” she recalled.

After other collective traumas, like the 9/11 terror attacks or Hurricane Katrina, counselors may have shared trauma with their clients. After 10/7, though, the antisemitism that swept the world meant many clients – and practitioners – did not feel safe seeking the help they needed.

“We can’t turn to our professional colleagues for consultations,” she heard from fellow practitioners. “We feel silenced. We’re unwelcome in places. And then I said, OK, this is unprecedented. There’s nothing about this in the literature. We need to document our experiences.”

Regev sent out questionnaires to more than 250 mental health practitioners in British Columbia who are Jewish. From the responses and her subsequent research, she coined the term “compounded traumatic reality.”

“It’s not only a shared traumatic reality, but it is compounded by the extra layer of antisemitism,” she said. Her paper on the subject was published last month (Nov. 11) in the peer-reviewed Journal of Human Behaviour in the Social Environment.

Regev’s career has taken a decided shift. She created the International Centre for Collective Resilience, which trains mental health professionals in culturally responsive, trauma-informed care around these specific issues. In that capacity, she developed the CHAI Method™ for clinical practitioners to balance the needs of their clients with their own connection to the trauma.

The CHAI Method™ is a four-part framework that begins with “Connect,” where individuals recognize what is happening, followed by “Honour,” which acknowledges identity and lived experience, particularly in an environment where others invalidate these experiences. “Activate” moves the practitioner into culturally responsive strategies and setting appropriate boundaries. “Integrate” transforms the experience into lasting capacity for both the practitioner and their client.

Regev has already delivered trainings in the CHAI Method™ at McGill and Concordia universities in Montreal and will offer it in Vancouver on Feb. 8 and 9.

Eventually, she said, the training could be adapted for healthcare providers – physicians especially are facing profound challenges right now, Regev said – as well as educators, clergy and others who are not accredited mental health providers.

Regev was born and raised in Israel, though she spent several teenage years in Vancouver while her mother was doing a master’s and a PhD in psychology here. She returned to Israel, did her army service, but moved to Vancouver permanently at age 28.

Israelis and diaspora Jews are having parallel but different experiences, she said. While many diaspora Jews lost loved ones on Oct. 7 and in the subsequent war, that experience is almost universal among Israelis. The experience with antisemitism in the diaspora, on the other hand, is not something Jews in Israel live with. Above all, she said, Israelis are having a shared experience with their entire society. For two years, it has been impossible to escape the reality, if for no more apparent reason than the ubiquity of hostage posters and memorial placards everywhere in the country. Jews in the diaspora, no matter how connected they may be to their Jewish community, are nonetheless surrounded by non-Jews living a completely different reality.

For diaspora Jews, finding a mental health practitioner capable of addressing their unique needs has come down to word-of-mouth. Regev hopes there will be a systematization, perhaps a database of professionals accredited in her CHAI Method™, which will provide assurances to clients that the counselor they are engaging with is prepared to consider the specific contemporary experiences of Jews.

There is plenty to be done, Regev said, and she has been balancing these new responsibilities with her clinical and training work, taking on tasks that currently have no dedicated infrastructure or funding behind them. She is seeking financial backing to support her initiatives.

To register for the February seminar or for further information about Regev’s work, visit icfcr.ca. In addition to training, she is also available as a speaker.

Stories create impact

Choices keynote speaker Mandana Dayani, centre, with event co-chairs, left to right, Gail James, Briana James, Lola Pawer and Lisa Boroditsky. (photo by Rhonda Dent)

On Nov. 16, Choices once again celebrated the work of Jewish women philanthropists. This year’s theme, “L’dor Vador” (“Generation to Generation”), reflected the more than 400 people who attended the 21st annual event, which took place at Congregation Beth Israel.

“We saw so many younger, first-time attendees,” said Ricki Thal, associate campaign director at Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver.

The event’s four co-chairs also represented the theme: Gail James and her granddaughter, Briana James; Lola Pawer and her daughter, Lisa Boroditsky.

Briana James introduced the keynote speaker, business leader and activist Mandana Dayani. In doing so, James said “our future shines bright,” with Dayani leading the way in philanthropy and activism, fighting antisemitism and advocating on behalf of women’s rights.

Dayani took the stage with her husband, Peter Traugott, presenting her material in conversation with him.

A Hollywood film producer with credits including HBO, Apple TV and Netflix, among others, Traugott also holds a master’s in business administration from Harvard University. He set a light-hearted tone, quipping, “This is my first at this – [being] Mandana’s ‘plus one’!” Speaking about their Jewish life in Los Angeles, where several members of the Dayani family live close by, he described a cross between Everybody Loves Raymond and My Big Fat Greek Wedding.

Traugott asked Dayani about her experiences as a new immigrant in New York. She spoke of the culture shock, the lights and traffic in New York. She also spoke, with gratitude, about HIAS (Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society), which supported her family’s flight from Iran, found her father a job as a shoe salesman and found them a place to live, where they became part of the community.

Dayani said her earliest memories of Iran are of “the morality police, the fear in everyone’s eyes.” She recalled having a gun pointed at her when she was just 4 years old. She is now 43.

Her family, who had wanted to leave Iran since the revolution in 1979, finally got a visa to Italy in 1987. They fled there, “leaving everything behind.” The experience has left her, she said, with an enduring sense of “how quickly this escalates, seeing my country taken over by lunatics.”

Despite having to live “with no safety net, starting over and over again, with no money,” Dayani said, “I’ve never missed a Shabbat in my life…. Shabbat is everything to us.”

Dayani’s grandfather was a rabbi and the family Orthodox. She understands the sacrifices that had to be made to maintain their traditions and feels “a responsibility” to do so as well, she said. As for integrating into American life, she described watching TV to learn how to dress, speak and behave as an American. She said, “I feel very Persian. Being a Persian Jew, that’s integral to who I am.” She also describes herself as “deeply patriotic – the US saved my life.”

Dayani takes her two daughters everywhere, she said. “If I meet my heroes, they meet my heroes. If I’m going to the UN General Assembly or the White House, they come with me.”

She and Traugott are trying to raise active, responsible citizens. “We have conversations about what’s happening in the world and they’re always rooted in kindness, through the lens of compassion,” she said.

Dayani advises caution when it comes to internalizing the messages we see online. “If we cave to the algorithms, we’ll believe that everyone hates Jews and it simply isn’t true,” she said, adding, “So many people stand with us and love us. The kids are good!”

In response to a question from Traugott about her process as a storyteller, Dayani spoke about “using storytelling to create impact,” to change society in significant ways.

Dayani acknowledged that anger spurs some of her work, such as her fight against the first Trump administration’s policy of attempting to deter migrants by separating children from their parents. She recalled her fears as a child, landing in New York, not wanting to let go of her mother’s hand. “I can’t think of a worse thing you could do to the most vulnerable population in the world,” she said. This sentiment led her to travel to Texas to see the policy in action, as the disconnect was just too powerful, she said. “The country that saved me is doing this?”

Her strategy in situations like this, she said, is to “call all the women I know who are smarter than me” to together “redirect the world’s attention to what we want them to look at. Real issues. It worked.”

She explained, “We received hundreds of millions of dollars of donated advertising…. I was so moved by how everyone showed up.”

The advertising aspect – the dissemination of information – was absolutely essential, she said, noting that “20% of the pro-Hamas information being spread on social media right after Oct. 7 was disseminated by bots, not real people…. It was planned. There was spin on the day it happened.”

When Mandani posted a video about this online within days of Hamas’s attack, the post got some 50 million views within a couple of hours. Death threats started coming in.

“I am a progressive leader and none of those people were speaking up,” she said, referring to other human rights and anti-hate activists.

Even though, as Traugott noted, Dayani doesn’t just work for a single demographic, but rather does outreach on behalf of various groups who have experienced different kinds of trauma and marginalization, she lost friends after Oct. 7 – or, as she put it, “so-called ‘thought leaders’ remaining silent because they couldn’t stand 10 negative comments” on their social media accounts. Dayani said the people she thought were her peers lacked the courage to stand up for justice when it came to Jews.

Among many other initiatives, Dayani founded, in 2024, the Calanet Foundation for young people, to harness “the power of Jewish stories in response to the branding work done by the Palestinian contingent.” After Oct. 7, she saw “so many black squares on people’s feeds,” as a mark of Jews’ grief. She also wanted people to focus on “the desert flower growing out of a crack,” the calanet (Hebrew for anemone), which symbolizes strength and resilience. She quoted the adage “They tried to bury us – they didn’t know we were seeds.”

One of Calanet’s projects is One Mitzvah a Day, which entails expressing thanks to those who stand up against antisemitism and/or in support of Israel – “one text a day, such as expressing gratitude to Trader Joe’s for selling Israeli feta,” said Dayani, noting that 5.5 million messages have been sent since the project’s January launch. Traugott pointed out that “most of the allies weren’t Jewish.”

Dayani asked the audience to consider “the power of this room, when everyone does the work.” She said, “Just do what you’re doing today – keep showing up.”

Shula Klinger is an author and journalist living in North Vancouver.

תגובתי לכתבה על ישראלים שרצו להגר לקנדה ולא קיבלו אותם עם שטיח אדום

הכתבה

אכן יש אנטישמיות בקנדה כמו במרבית המדינות בעולם לאור מה שישראל עשתה בעזה. לפני כניסת צה”ל לעזה (לאחר השבעה באוקטובר) טענתי שהפעולה הצבאית שם תגרום נזק אדיר לישראל. זה כולל גם את הישראלים והיהודים בעולם. לישראלים בארץ לא היה אכפת כלל ממה שצה”ל עשה בעזה ונעשו דברים חמורים ביותר וחפים מפשע נהרגו. למרות השבעה באוקטובר זה לא היה צריך לקרות. עכשיו כאמור רואים את המחיר

מי שמתלונן שקר קנדה הוא טיפש מטופש. הרי ידוע שקנדה היא מדינה קרה והרבה יותר קרה מישראל. הישראלים ברובם לא יכולים לסבול קור ואין להם אפוא מה לחפש בקנדה

“ישראלים רבים שהיגרו חשבו שמחכים להם פה עם שטיח אדום”. באמת? למה? זו מחשבה אווילית המתאימה לישראלי הצפוי שחושב שכל העולם מתנהל סביבו, שכולם צריכים לקבלו בחום ואהבה? האם מישהו המתין לי בנחיתתי בוונקובר עם שטיח אדום והתחיל להחמיא ולדאוג לי? כל מה שעשיתי היה בזכותי בלבד, ללא עזרה של חבר או בן משפחה. אם הייתי ממתין לשטיחים אדומים בוודאי שהייתי נכשל כאן. האם לבנו של אחי ואשתו המתין מישהו בנחיתתם בארה”ב? הם עשו שיעורי בית כנדרש, לפחות לאישה הייתה עבודה מראש, הם ידעו מה צריך ללמוד וכיצד להתקדם מקצועית, ללא שום “ישראליות” שיכולה רק להזיק

“ישראלים רבים לא מבינים שהם מהגרים” – נכון מאוד. הם לא מבינים שבקנדה כמו כל מדינה מערבית, אין מפעילים קשרים אישיים, לא מפתיעים בביקורים לא מתוכננים, לא “קופצים” לפגישה עם מנהל סניף הבנק ללא תיאום מראש, ולא נתונים לך שום חשיבות כיוון שהגעת בישראל – על מה ולמה

כל מי שהיגר לקנדה (ובכלל לכל מדינה אחרת) עליו לדעת מראש מה כולל תהליך ההגירה, הדרישות המדויקות, הניירת הנכונה, ומה צריך להציג בפני השלטונות. כמובן צריך לדעת פחות או יותר כמה זמן זה יקח. אני למשל ידעתי שכדי לקבל את האזרחות הקנדית עלי לשהות בקנדה במשך שלוש שנים. ולכן לא עזבתי את המדינה באותה עת למעט פעם אחת לעשרה ימים, ולכן נאלצתי להמתין לאזרחות שלוש שנים+עשרה ימים. אם זה לא היה מתאים לי הייתי עוזב. מה שמתלונן שלא יהגר

אכן צריך “ניסיון קנדי” בכל עבודה רצינית. זה ידוע מראש ומי שאינו יודע זאת הוא פשוט לא רציני. ומה עושים: אפשר להיות עצמאי, להתחיל לעבוד כשכיר בעבודה פשוטה ולהתקדם, להשלים לימודים בקנדה ועוד

אכן קנדה יקרה מאוד אך לא יותר מישראל. הכל מתייקר בכל מקום בעולם ומי שיש לו בעייה אם זה שלא יהגר למדינה מערבית

נכון בתקופת הרפר היה טוב יותר לישראלים לעומת כיום. המלחמה של ישראל בעזה כאמור גרמה נזק איום לישראל שהיא כיום אחת המדינות השנואות בעולם. ולכן גם ישראלים ויהודים בעולם משלמים מחיר כבד. זה נורא ואיום אך בישראל לא מבינים זאת. כמובן שמי שמדבר עברית ברחוב ומסתובב עם סמלים יהודים וישראלים נמצא בסכנה גדולה יותר

לישראלים קשה לפצח את התרבות הקנדית או בעצם כל תרבות שהיא לא ישראלית. הישראלים לא מבינים שבמערב לא אוהבים את ההתנהגות הישראלית, השחצנות, הוולגריות, הבלתי אמצעיות, הספונטניות ללא גבול, להתקשר בטלפון לאחרים בכל שעה, וכאמור לפגוש אחרים כולל חברים ללא תכנון מראש

בסיכומו של דבר: מי שרוצה להגר לקנדה או לכל מדינה אחרת במערב מוטל עליו לעשות שיעורי בית רציניים ביותר. מי שרוצה להתנהג כישראלי מצוי במערב עדיף שלא יהגר

Plenty of hopefulness

Avi Benlolo of the Abraham Global Peace Initiative was in Vancouver Nov. 5 to screen the AGPI’s new film, Heart of Courage, about Jewish resilience in the wake of the Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks. (photo by Pat Johnson)

Against a “tsunami” of anti-Israel and antisemitic content online and in the broader society, Jews and pro-Israel voices need to do a better job getting their message out, according to Avi Benlolo.

Benlolo is founding chair and chief executive officer of the Abraham Global Peace Initiative (AGPI), whose mandate is to study and research international human rights, fundamental freedoms, democracy, global peace and civil society in Canada, Israel and around the world. He was previously founding president and CEO of Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre and writes weekly in the

National Post. He was in Vancouver screening AGPI’s new 40-minute film, Heart of Courage and spoke with Rabbi Jonathan Infeld at Congregation Beth Israel Nov. 5. He was introduced by Diane Friedman, the congregation’s adult program director.

The film features a soldier playing John Lennon’s “Imagine” on a piano in Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square.

“His music becomes his voice, a testament to the resilience of his spirit and the strength of his people,” the narrator intones. “His teary eyes remain wide open, reflecting the weight of his generation’s struggle. He plays for a world he longs to see, a world of peace. In that moment, his dreams reach beyond the darkness, yet his resolve remains unshaken. This soldier is part of a chain, a line of defenders stretching back through history, each bound by an unyielding commitment to Israel’s survival.”

Produced prior to the ceasefire, the film includes Benlolo interviewing people at the weekly rallies that drew hundreds of thousands of people in Tel Aviv, many of them family members of hostages. Some have risen to prominence as voices for those held in Gaza and their relatives.

Benlolo visits an art installation that serves as a memorial monument adjacent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ building in Jerusalem. The work, titled “Memory Pomegranate 7.10.2023,” is a sculpture of a pomegranate with multi-coloured glass and ceramics, visual shards and fragments that metaphorically reference broken lives, trauma and loss, but together form a hopeful whole, emphasizing life, resilience and collective memory. The artwork integrates electronic tags that allow a smartphone or other device to access digital content to learn more about the events of 10/7 and the people and communities affected.

Sharing stories of non-Jews who saved lives on 10/7, the film declares, “In Israel, heroism knows no bounds of religion, ethnicity or background. On Oct. 7, amid the chaos, countless stories emerged of Muslims, Druze, Christians and Bedouins risking everything to protect their fellow citizens.”

After the screening, Benlolo and Infeld spoke of the hurdles to getting the message out.

Benlolo, who has worked extensively in multicultural and interfaith sectors, plans to screen Heart of Courage for diverse audiences, as his organization has done with previous films.

The biggest challenge, Benlolo said, may be reaching younger audiences, for whom anti-Israel activism has become “cool.”

“We have to go to them and get to them through the technology that exists today,” he said. “Social media in particular.”

This presents its own challenges, he noted, as there is a “tsunami” of anti-Israel and antisemitic content.

The silver lining of this era, according to Benlolo, is a new generation of engaged Jewish young people.

“What we all saw as a result of Oct. 7 was Jewish youth for the first time ever walking proudly with Magen Davids around their necks, fighting back, distancing themselves from people who have rejected them and reject the state of Israel,” he said.

While the film paints a picture of a unified Israeli society, Benlolo acknowledged divisions, rifts that will likely be exacerbated in next year’s national elections.

One of the most visible points of discord is the debate over Haredi conscription. Benlolo is unequivocal on this topic. Asked by Infeld what he would say to the Haredi community, Benlolo said, “What’s wrong with you? I mean, honestly.… To not participate in defending the country and to insist that others do it for you, I think, is wrong.”

Benlolo also pulled no punches on issues closer to home. He said Canada’s government is “pretty much siding with Hamas” and other leaders, such as Toronto’s mayor, are “emboldening the other side.” This inspires violent people to act out, he said, citing a vicious attack on Jewish students near Toronto Metropolitan University earlier that day.

“What gives them permission to do that?” Benlolo asked. “It’s the environment that feeds it. It’s the political leadership that allows it. That is the central problem.”

Responding to a question from Infeld on the future of Jewish life in Canada, Benlolo noted that Jewish schools and other institutions in parts of Europe are protected by armed guards and he warned that North American Jews may find themselves “in a much more defensive posture.”

“I can’t promise you that there’s going to be a good future here in Canada,” he said. “But, in Israel, at least, we have an ability to wear the uniform and protect ourselves, and that’s an important distinction. It doesn’t mean Israel is 100% safe, as we all know, it doesn’t mean that’s an easy life, but at least it’s a place where we can stand up for ourselves.”

He has plenty of hopefulness for Israel.

“I think that the next chapter for Israel is an optimistic one,” he said, suggesting that more countries will normalize relations with Israel and join the Abraham Accords. He suggests also that Israel’s economy will skyrocket, in part because of all the technology developed as a result of the war. He also predicts continued increasing levels of aliyah.

היהירות היא אחד האויבים הגדולים ביותר של ישראל

הישראלים יודעים הכל, מבינים בכל והם הכי טובים בכל דבר ועניין. ולמרות זאת שורת המחדלים הקשים של השבעה באוקטובר הוכיחה שבמציאות זה רחוק מהאמת

המודיעין לא תיפקד, השב”כ לא תיפקד, לקח לצה”ל 6-8 שעות להגיב על קריאת האזרחים (“הורגים אותנו”), החומה הטובה והטכנולוגית ביותר בעולם נפלה בתוך פחות מחמש דקות. צה”ל אישר לערוך מסיבת טבע ליד הגבול – שזה טמטום משווע. משאירים בסיסי צה”ל ריקים כי מדובר בחגים – וזה טמטום משווע נוסף. ממשלת המחדלים והשחיתות העבירה גדודים של חיילים לשמור על המתנחלים במקום על אזרחי העוטף. והיכן התצפיתניות שצפצפו על המידע שלהן כי הן “רק” חיילות

ומעל הכל התפיסה של ראש הממשלה בנימין נתניהו ורבים אחרים שעדיף “לשמן” את החמאס שישתוק במקום לקדם את הרשות הפלסטינית

ישראל של היום היא מדינה ימנית מתחרדת ומשיחית. ולאור האמור לעיל אינני חושב שהיא יודעת כיצד באמת להתמודד עם השכנים ולדאוג לאזרחים

בישראל שכחו כי מחר צריך לחיות עם השכנים האלה אחרי שהפציצו אותם יומם ולילה. ארה”ב עשתה זאת באפגניסטן, עיראק ווייטנאם – והיא מזמן לא נמצאת במקומות האלה שהם רחוקים מאוד מארה”ב. לעומת זאת, ישראל תאלץ להתמודד עם השכנים שלה כל העת. אני לא חושב שנתניהו שעומד בראש ממשלה כושלת, הוא זה שאפשר לסמוך עליו. הוא ובעיקר תומכיו הרבים לא הולכים לשום מקום. הם רק הורסים את דמוקרטיה יום יום (ממש כמו בארה”ב של הדיקטטור דונלד טראמפ)

הסכם הפסקת האש הנוכחי נכפה על ישראל על ידי המושחת השני טראמפ שרוצה פרס נובל (כי אובמה קיבל אותו) ובעיקר כי יש לו, למשפחתו ולחבריו עסקים ענפים בקטאר ובאזור כולו. את המלחמה המיותרת בעזה אפשר היה לעצור לפי חודשים ארוכים. את אותו הסכם הפסקת האש אפשר היה להשיג אז, להציל יותר חטופים, והרבה פחות חיילים היו נהרגים. אז גם השנאה לישראל בכל העולם הייתה פחותה

טראמפ ונתניהו קוראים להסדר – הסכם שלום. באמת? האם ישראל והפלסטינים יחליפו שגרירים? עתה יותר מתמיד העולם הערבי לא יקבל את העבודה שישראל מסרבת לתת לפלסטינים מדינה והיא ממשיכה לעבות את ההתנחלויות

ולסיום עוד נקודה: מדינה שיודעת מול מי היא מתמודדת לא היתה מאפשרת לרבים רבים (החרדים) להשתמט מהצבא. ולא הייתה נותנת למחנה המשיחי לשלוט בסדר היום הציבורי

ובנימה האישית: הפעם היחידה שפחדתי ב-20 השנים האחרונות (בהן אני גר בקנדה) הייתה דווקא בביקור בישראל ליומיים אשתקד. אירעה הפסקת חשמל ארוכה וחששתי שהאיראנים מתקיפים. חבר שלי עובר מרמת השרון לתל אביב כי נמאס לו לגור ליד הצבא ולהוות מטרה להתקפות בעתיד. הוא גם ציין בפניי שבישראל הסתירו את ממדי הנזק העצום של הטילים האיראנים

הפעם הקודמת שפחדתי בחיי הייתה בעת מלחמת המפרץ בעיראק הראשונה (1991) עת 40 טילים נפלו על אזור תל אביב שאז גרתי בה. לי זה הספיק לכל החיים

אינני יודע מה יהיה בעתיד ואני מודע לסכנה של האיסלאם הקיצוני. אני באופן אישי אתאיסט ומתנגד באופן עקרוני לדתות שמביאות רק נזק ושנאה. האם הותקף כאן ע”י מוסלמים? אולי? בשלב זה מרבית המוסלמים הגרים במחוז שלי (בריטיש קולומביה שמכילה כ-4.5 מיליון תושבים) ומספרם מגיע לפחות מ-200 אלף – הם איראנים – ואין בהם שום סכנה לנו

אני לא צופה עתיד טוב לעולם אשר נהיה קיצוני דתי, ימני וכוחני והדיקטטורים הולכים ומשתלטים על כל הדמוקרטיות שנשארו

OJC hosts Oct. 7 memorial

On the weekend of Oct. 11-12, the Okanagan Jewish Community Centre hosted a memorial exhibit to mark two years since Oct. 7. It was designed as a series of information booths, to allow visitors to engage with the material at their own pace. (photo from OJC)

On the weekend of Oct. 11-12, the Okanagan Jewish Community Centre (OJC) hosted a memorial exhibit to mark two years since the Oct. 7, 2023, massacre in Israel. The program brought together Kelowna, West Kelowna and Okanagan area residents, the Jewish community, other faith groups and allies, as well as local, provincial and federal elected representatives and some of their staff.

The exhibit, created by Mila Shapiro and Harley Kushmier, was designed as a series of information booths, to allow visitors to engage with the material at their own pace. Each station explained different parts of the story: the historical context, the scale of the violence and the hatred that drove it. Displays showed how people from all backgrounds – left or right, foreign nationals or Israelis – were targeted and suffered the same nightmare.

One of the most difficult-to-view sections showed video footage recorded by the Hamas terrorists during the attacks. The reaction from visitors was intense, with many saying it was overwhelming, but also something they needed to see to understand the scale of the cruelty.

image - poster showing Canadians who died on Oct. 7 — *(photo from OJC)*

On the Saturday evening, the guest speaker, Nitzan, shared her story of Oct. 7 to a room filled to capacity.

Nitzan, who preferred to go by her first name for this article, grew up in a small northern town in Israel, where having to take refuge in a shelter wasn’t necessarily a scary experience.

“Back then, we didn’t have Iron Dome, we didn’t have an alarm system,” she said. “We heard the whistle and then the boom.

“As we grew older, my sister moved to the south of Israel, where she fell in love and built her life in Kibbutz Be’eri, an amazing peaceful, community. Be’eri made the desert bloom.”

On Oct. 7, Nitzan’s sister sent a photo of her and her family in their safe room. “I called her, asking why they were in the safe room, what’s happening. She said the amount of rockets is insane. We’re in the safe room, but I’m not sure what’s going to happen to the people partying at the music fest – they have nowhere to go.”

A few minutes later, “She was outside with the kids and, on a video call, I said to her, what if they come?”

The family returned to their safe room, said Nitzan. But the doors to safe rooms don’t lock. “You have to hold the handle up,” she explained.

Fifteen minutes later, texts started flooding in – attackers were in the kibbutz, they were breaking into people’s homes.

“As the night went on,” said Nitzan, “they, Hamas, were burning the houses, smoking people out of their homes, shooting, killing, murdering whoever they could. They broke into my sister’s house five times. She and her husband held onto the door, not letting go, not letting them in.

“As the night went on, her texts were begging for help, saying goodbye, not thinking they were going to make it through the night.

“Her husband’s family all live in the kibbutz – his two sisters and his mom. His mom was hosting her sister, her husband and son. They didn’t make it,” said Nitzan. His mom, Pessi, her sister Hanna, husband Zizi and son Tal were all killed.

“My friend Abouya answered my texts, saying he’s holding onto the door and then he stopped reading my messages. They had shot him in the stomach, and he died at home. He was a close family friend…. His grandkids, two 12-year-old-year-olds, a boy and girl, Ynai and Liel, were being held in Pessi’s house. They were murdered with her. The terrorists gathered 15 neighbours, murdering 12 of them.”

photo - Attendees were asked to light a memorial candle — *(photo from OJC)*

Nitzan knew many others who were killed.

“I ended up in an emergency room,” she shared. “I couldn’t bear the horror. I was throwing up, sweating, shaking. When I got to emerg, the doctor told me he had to give me something to calm me down. I said, I can’t take it. If I need to make the decision to go home, I need to be able to make it. He looked at me and understood. When I saw him a few months after, he asked me, how are you doing? Did your family survive?

“They did, and I am so grateful for that.”

Nitzan spoke about the rising amount of antisemitism in Canada and around the world.

“We have to stick together, we have to find each other, support each other and find why,” she said, mentioning former hostage Eli Sharabi’s book, Hostage, in which he describes meeting Hersh Goldberg-Polin, another hostage, who was murdered in the tunnels of Gaza with five others in August 2024. Goldberg-Polin told Sharabi, “If you have the why, you’ll find the how” to survive. Sharabi talks about how this idea, also expressed by Friedrich Nietzsche (“he who has a why to live for can bear almost anything”) helped him survive 491 days in captivity.

“It has been two long years, years of hurt, of pain,” said Nitzan. “I wish for all our hostages to come home … victims’ bodies are still there. I wish for us to be united, to know that we are stronger together, that we have many friends that support us and that we are not alone.”

photo - Booth thanking community and allies — *(photo from OJC)*

The evening concluded with a Q&A session. Questions and comments ranged from the sharing of personal experiences, to questions for Nitzan, to concerns about antisemitism and the growing fear that many Jewish Canadians are now living with.

On Sunday, Liel, who also didn’t want her surname used for this article, shared her story about Oct. 7. She spoke about the loss of someone very close to her and the continuing impact that day has had on her perspective and sense of community. As well, she discussed the challenges on Canadian and American university campuses, describing how painful it has been to witness the reactions and divisions that have emerged.

“We can’t stop talking about the victims of the seventh of October,” said Liel, the more than 1,200 “innocent people who lost their lives in senseless violence,” and those who were kidnapped.

“We can’t forget about the heroes of that day,” she said, talking about the soldiers and civilians who fought hard that day, the “heroes that saved countless lives by sacrificing themselves. We must keep all of their memories alive by continuing to remember them and talk about them, and share their stories.”

“As a Jew, I carry the weight of my ancestors’ pain and resilience. Our voice must never be silent,” said Kushmier about why it was important for him to help create this exhibit. “The pain in Israel and in the Jewish diaspora has been profound, yet we rise above the hate. We stand as ourselves, stronger and united, showing the world that we will endure, heal and continue to thrive.

“Every generation of our people has faced hardship, but we have never been broken,” he said. “Through centuries of persecution, we have built communities, told our stories, and held onto our faith. Our people are strong, and our unity is our power. In the face of hatred, we choose love and life.”

Shapiro said the Oct. 7 massacre hit very close to home, and her family lost someone very close to them at the Nova music festival.

“My land and my people are suffering and I believe it’s critical to bring historical facts and context to the forefront, so others can truly understand the roots of this conflict,” she said. “Only through education and awareness can we make change toward truth and justice.

“In addition, in the aftermath of such a horrific tragedy, I believe it can be deeply healing to come together in mourning – to honour and remember those who were brutally murdered, massacred, burned and tortured. Their lives were taken in unimaginable ways, and we owe it to them and to ourselves to remember their names, their stories and their humanity. Mourning together is not just an act of remembrance – it’s an act of resistance against forgetting.”

In a city where the Jewish community is small but strong, the exhibit was a chance to learn, to bear witness and to connect, said Kushmier and Shapiro, who thank Nitzan for sharing her story.

They also thank their families and the volunteers, including Bitachon (security) members, who assisted with the two-day exhibit, which was funded by donations from the Okanagan Jewish Community Centre and the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver, and included material from StandWithUs.

Samantha Kushmier is a member of the Okanagan Jewish Community, and mother of exhibit organizer Harley Kushmier.

מדוע האנטישמיות הולכת וגואה בעולם

אנו עדים לעליה משמעותית באנטישמיות ברחבי העולם אחרי השבעה באוקטובר. על כך אין מחלוקת

אך נשאלת השאלה מה הביא לעלייה הכל כך משמעותית באנטישמיות כולל פגיעה פיזית ביהודים וישראלים בעולם? למרבה הצער בישראל מעדיפים שלא להתעסק בסיבות אלה רק בתוצאות שכידוע הן קשות מאוד ולא מוצדקות בשום מקרה

קודם כל: הגל האנטישמי הנוכחי לא החל מהשבעה באוקטובר אלא לאחריו. זאת, לאחר שבעולם החלו לראות את התמונות הקשות מרצועת עזה. גם הפעולות המזויעות של החמאס ושותפיו בשבעה באוקטובר שכללו רצח, אונס ועוד מעשים בלתי אנושיים – לא יכולים לשמש כתירוץ לפגיעה והריגת אלפי ילדים, נשים ואחרים שגרו ברצועת עזה. אי אפשר לטעון שכל תושבי הרצועה הם אנשי חמאס ושאר הארגונים, למרות שקל לעשות זאת. המראות הקשים האלה מהרצועה הם שהדליקו את מדורת השנאה הנוכחית כנגד הישראלים והיהודים בעולם. בישראל לא רוצים להבין זאת וממשיכים להתעלם מהמציאות הקשה של תושבי רצועת עזה, שחלקם הגדול אף מורעבים. לא פלא שישראל הפכה כיום לאחת המדינות השנואות בעולם. כצפוי ראש הממשלה, בנימין נתניהו, הוא אחד האנשים השנואים ביותר בישראל וכן ברחבי העולם כולו

הדיבורים של שרי הממשלה בדבר החלת הריבונות הישראלית על השטחים הכבושים, תוך כדי עיבוי ההתנחליות שהן דבר ביומו, וכן הגליית כל תושבי הרצועה בהתאם למשנתו הגרועה של נשיא ארה”ב המטורף, דונלד טראמפ, רק מגבירה את השנאה כלפי הישראלים והיהודים בעולם. החלת הריבונות והגליית הפלסטינים מהרצועה עשויות גם להרחיק מדינות ערביות מהסכמי השלום עם ישראל

ולאור זאת ולמרות הכל, ממשלת נתניהו מאלצת את צה”ל להמשיך ולהילחם בעזה כאשר מחיר הדמים הוא גבוה ביותר. כשש מאות חיילים נהרגו מאז כניסת צה”ל לעזה לאחר השבעה באוקטובר

מרבית החטופים שחזרו לישראל שוחררו באמצעות משא ומתן וצה”ל הצליח לשחרר בעצמו מספר בודד של חטופים. ומהצד השני נהרגו אלפי אזרחים מקומיים ברצועת עזה כתוצאה מפעילות צה”ל

לאור זאת אני שואל בקול גדול: כמה עוד חפים מפשע משני הצדדים צריכים להיהרג בעזה כדי שממשלת הדמים של נתניהו תואיל להוציא את הצבא משם? האם המספרים הגבוהים האלה שהשאירו אלפי משפחות יתומות מתאבלות על אובדן יקיריהם – לא מספיקים לכם? האם אתם רוצים וצריכים בעוד נהרות של דם באזור

בישראל בדרך כלל לא חושבים על רק על היום ולא על מחר ובוודאי ובוודאי שזה לא מטריד את ממשלת נתניהו: לא העליה הקשה באנטישמיות ברחבי העולם, לא העמקת הפילוג בתוך ישראל ולא המשך אבדן חיים משני הצדדים. בישראל בעידן של נתניהו שכחו כנראה שהאירועים הקשים האלה ברצועת עזה ישליכו גם על עתידה של ישראל ושכנותיה

יש לזכור שרבים בקרב הטרוריסטים הפלסטינים שאחראים על פעולות טרור רצחניות בישראל לאורך השנים, שייכים למשפחות שאיבדו את יקיריהן בפעולות שונות של צה”ל. ולכן לא מן הנמנע שתמונה זו תחזור על עצמה בעתיד הנראה לעין, וחלק מהטרוריסטים העתידים לפגוע בישראלים ימנו על משפחות פלסטיניות שאיבדו את יקיריהן ברצועת עזה. אני חושש שהתוצאה של הנזק העצום בעזה תעלה לישראל במחיר כבד בעתיד. וכמו שציינתי היינו כבר בסרט הזה בעבר

ארה”ב השאירה נזק רב במקומות בהן צבאה פעל בהם אפגניסטן, עיראק ווייטנאם. אך מדינות אלו רחוקות מאוד מארה”ב, לעומת רצועת עזה הסמוכה לישראל. מוטב היה אם ממשלת נתניהו הייתה חושבת גם על המחר, ועל כך שישראל מוקפת בשכנות שצריך להמשיך לחיות עימן גם בעתיד

Harper speaks at local event

At the Canadian Shaare Zedek Hospital Foundation (CSZHF) event on Sept. 7, which marked the foundation’s 50th anniversary: left to right, Col. Ilan Or, Israeli defence attaché to Canada; Rafi Yablonsky, CSZHF national director; Dr. Marla Gordon, CSZHF Western region board member; Dr. Arthur Dodek, CSZHF Western region board member; former prime minister Stephen Harper; Dr. Robert Krell, 2025 Western Region recipient of the Kurt and Edith Rothschild Humanitarian Award; Rabbi Andrew Rosenblatt of Schara Tzedeck Synagogue; Ilan Pilo, CSZHF Western Canada director; and Sam Sapera, CSZHF board chair. (photo by Alina Ilyasova)

Former prime minister Stephen Harper was on friendly ground when he addressed a packed sanctuary at Congregation Schara Tzedeck earlier this month. The former Conservative leader, who led the country from 2006 to 2015, is known as a stalwart ally of Israel and the audience of mostly Jewish Vancouverites welcomed him heartily.

The Sept. 7 event was the first fundraising gala for the newly formed Western region of the Canadian Shaare Zedek Hospital Foundation. The event and the surrounding campaign succeeded in funding nine incubators for the hospital’s pediatric department.

The event featured Harper in conversation with former BC premier Gordon Campbell, who told the audience that, of the prime ministers he served with concurrently when he was premier from 2001 to 2011, Harper was his favourite.

Harper said people ask him why he supports Israel so strongly.

“Has it got to do with religion or your view of the Jewish community?” he asked rhetorically. “I mean, there are a million reasons, but, as prime minister of Canada, the reasons were really simple. Here is this one country in the Middle East that shares our values and that is a friend of this country – and the people who are the enemies of that country are enemies of this country.”

Harper told the audience that there are a lot of loud voices condemning Israel and threatening Jewish Canadians, but, he said, they are not unanimous. “There are still a lot of people in this country that understand the value of our Jewish community, that are friends of the state of Israel, and that thank you for everything you do,” he said.

Harper lauded Israel for its actions to set back Iran’s nuclear program, arguing that the brief Israel-Iran conflict has positively realigned the region. People had warned that Israel’s attack on Iran’s nuclear capability was a dangerous escalation that could “lead to World War Three,” he said.

“We know that not only was [the nuclear program] set back considerably, but the United States and Israel sent a real message that, if we see it again, we’re going to do the same thing again.”

The results of the Israeli actions were overwhelmingly positive, Harper said. There was a very limited Iranian response – and, notably, no other nations coming to Iran’s aid, he said.

There were broader repercussions around Israel’s action against Iran and in the larger regional conflict, he added. Hezbollah was decapitated and the Lebanese government is now trying to push Hezbollah out. Hezbollah’s allies in Syria lost power. Hamas is massively degraded.

Campbell expressed dismay at Prime Minister Mark Carney’s statement that Canada would recognize Palestinian statehood at the United Nations if the Palestinians meet a number of conditions.

“My problem with that … the Palestinian Authority has never done one of the things that the prime minister said,” Campbell said.

“I’m trying to give the new government a chance,” Harper replied, calling the Carney government a “kind of improvement” on the previous administration. “The only interpretation you can put on it is in fact rewarding the events of Oct. 7th.”

Harper said he cannot recall any precedent for Canada, or any other country, recognizing a state that does not exist.

“But, on top of that,” he said, “Who exactly are you? … There is no leadership among the Palestinian populations, including the [Palestinian Authority], that actually unequivocally recognizes the right of a Jewish state to exist. It’s great to say, ‘I favour theoretically a two-state solution,’ but the problem is this other state would be a state that does not support a two-state solution. You’d actually be moving further away from that objective.”

While Israel’s military actions have improved the geopolitical situation in the Middle East, Harper acknowledged there has been a concurrent spike in antisemitism in Canada.

“I really feel a lot of sympathy for ordinary Jewish people who face this in their private [and] professional lives and feel intimidated,” he said. “I guess that the only advice I can give you is to be resolute.… You can’t let those occasions slip. You can’t let them go by.”

Harper said he has been accused of dismissing criticism of Israel as antisemitic, an assertion he rejects.

“Being opposed to policy of the government of Israel is not antisemitic,” he said. “But being opposed to Israel because it is the only Jewish state in the world is the definition of antisemitism.”

Harper spoke, as he has previously to Jewish audiences, of his father, Joseph, who came of age during the Second World War, when the world was existentially threatened by fascism.

“One of the consequences of that is he grew up just as a very determined opponent of antisemitism in a period – we’re talking the ’40s, ’50s – where some of these things were expressed openly. He was very vocal in opposing that. And, frankly, he is just turning over in his grave watching some of what is happening today.”

Despite almost a decade out of office, the former Conservative prime minister did not shy away from politics, crediting the Liberal party with running an excellent campaign earlier this year and identifying shortcomings in the Conservative party’s approach.

Harper cited Donald Trump’s intervention in the campaign as a factor and anxieties around the Canada-US relationship for upending conventional wisdom, including polls that had predicted a Conservative landslide before former prime minister Justin Trudeau resigned.

“I do think the [Conservative] party has to take a hard look at what went right and what went wrong,” said Harper. “The Liberals displayed incredible tactical flexibility, and we did not show the same level of flexibility.”

Of the Conservatives, he said: “We ran a very principled campaign, but we need to show a lot more adaptability when circumstances change.”

Harper and Campbell also addressed economic issues. The former prime minister said the challenges presented by the current American administration are a chance to diversify Canada’s trade relationships.

“If we have an opportunity to be a genuine globally connected economy, instead of just kind of an economic appendage to the United States, which in some ways we have become, I [see] opportunity,” he said.

Both Harper and Campbell, in their time, were advocates for the economic benefits of resource extraction.

“Resources are not the only thing we have, but it’s a big, big comparative advantage,” Harper said. “We’re the country that has an unlimited range of natural resources in a rule-of-law environment, far removed from conflict zones. Do you know how rare that is in the world when it comes to vital resources? And that’s what we have. And we’re not getting them out of the ground, and we’re not getting them around the world.… We’ve got to get our energy to Asia. We’ve got to get our energy to Europe.… It will bring billions of dollars into Canada, create thousands and thousands of jobs in Canada. We are up against the clock, and the clock doesn’t care much about us.”

The Sept. 7 program began with a video showcasing Shaare Zedek Hospital’s achievements in maternal and neonatal care, as well as the range of advanced medical procedures for which the hospital is known. The religious and ethnic diversity of the hospital’s staff and patients is a particular source of pride for the facility’s leadership and their Canadian supporters.

Harper spoke highly of the hospital, which treats more than a million patients a year.

“The Shaare Zedek Hospital is, to me, emblematic of just so much of what has made Israel a remarkable country,” he said. “[It has] become a world-leading institution that services people beyond politics, race, religion, ethnicity … just a tremendous institution.”

The event was presented by the Canadian Shaare Zedek Hospital Foundation in partnership with the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver, Congregation Schara Tzedeck, the Jewish Independent and the Jewish Medical Association of British Columbia. Organizers expressed special thanks to CJPAC, the Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee, for their community support.

Ilan Pilo, Western Canada executive for Canadian Shaare Zedek Hospital Foundation, announced the success of the event, which resulted in funding for nine “Giraffe” incubators – each one costing $50,000 – for the hospital where 22,000 Israeli babies are born annually.

Dr. Robert Krell was awarded the Kurt and Edith Rothschild Humanitarian Award. (See jewishindependent.ca/harper-speaks-at-gala.) The award was presented by Dr. Arthur Dodek, a member of the board of the Jewish Medical Association and of the CSZHF, and Sam Sapera, chair of the board of the CSZHF, which marks its 50th anniversary this year.

The event was co-emceed by the Jewish Medical Association’s Dr. Marla Gordon and Zach Segal, who was a Conservative candidate in this year’s federal election.