law

No charges in IDF case

There will be no charges arising from allegations that the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) has been recruiting members illegally in Canada.

The case began in 2020, when several progressive groups and individuals laid a complaint with Justice Minister David Lametti calling for an investigation and possible charges against those who recruit or encourage recruiting for the Israel Defence Forces among non-Israeli citizens in Canada.

Lametti referred the matter to the RCMP, which, on June 8, issued the following statement to the CJN: “A review was conducted. [H]owever, a criminal investigation was not initiated. The file is now concluded and the RCMP has no further comment.”

Israel’s consulate in Toronto was unavailable for comment. The country’s embassy in Ottawa did not respond to a request for comment.

The case began when the Canadian Foreign Policy Institute, Palestinian and Jewish Unity, and Just Peace Advocates presented the complaint to Lametti, alleging that recruiting by the IDF in Canada violated the Foreign Enlistment Act. The act states that any person “who, within Canada, recruits or otherwise induces any person or body of persons to enlist or to accept any commission or engagement in the armed forces of any foreign state or other armed forces operating in that state is guilty of an offence.”

The complaint focused on online ads from Israel’s consulate in Toronto, which said an IDF representative was available for personal appointments for those wishing to join the forces, not just those required to do their compulsory military service.

“Young people who wish to enlist in the IDF or anyone who has not fulfilled their obligations according to the Israeli Defence Service Law are invited to meet with him,” the ad stated, according to the complaint.

The complaint also alleged that the consulate had arranged for Israeli soldiers and veterans to appear in Jewish schools, summer camps and other venues in Canada with the goal of inducing young people to enlist.

The allegations were unfounded, said Israel’s consul-general at the time, Galit Baram.

“Israeli law dictates compulsory military service to Israeli citizens over the age of 18, whether male or female. Consequently, Israeli citizens of drafting age living abroad are required to settle their status with the Israeli authorities, through Israeli consulates around the world,” she said.

Baram called the charges an attempt to “smear” Israel.

At the time, Lametti said diplomats representing Israel in Canada “follow Canadian law.”

Included in the complaint was an open letter signed by U.S. academic Noam Chomsky, musician Roger Waters, author Yann Martel and more than 170 prominent Canadians. It was delivered to Lametti, asking him to probe recruitment for the IDF taking place in Canada.

The complaint noted that there were some 230 Canadians serving in the IDF as of 2017, and that it was “unclear” how many were recruited in ways that violated the law.

After the complaint was laid, Winnipeg human rights lawyer David Matas said Israel’s consulates in Toronto and Montreal practised neither recruitment nor inducement, since Canadian citizens wishing to join the IDF had already made up their minds to do so.

In the latest development, Matas said he believes the RCMP dropped the matter because they did not have evidence to reach a conviction, and that there is “no evidence potentially available through investigation that could change that conclusion.”

Matas’s view is that the case “had no merit at all.”

The matter was further pressed in 2021 when NDP MP Matthew Green sponsored a petition calling on Canada to investigate allegedly illegal recruitment by the IDF in Canada.

In its response the following year, the justice ministry said the responsibility for investigating and prosecuting offences under the Foreign Enlistment Act “rests with independent law enforcement and prosecution services.”

The case is another loss for pro-Palestinian activists. Last December, a criminal charge they initiated against Sar-El Canada, the Canadian arm of an Israel-based organization that provides volunteers for the IDF, was withdrawn because there was no reasonable chance for a conviction. That case alleged that Sar-El Canada also violated the Foreign Enlistment Act by recruiting volunteers for the IDF.

The Foreign Enlistment Act was passed in 1937 to prohibit the recruiting of Canadian volunteers to fight in the Spanish Civil War. Roughly 1,700 Canadians signed up anyway to fight for the anti-Franco Loyalists, the vast majority of whom were recruited by the Communist Party of Canada. They formed the storied Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion (the “MacPaps”).

According to historian and legal scholar Tyler Wentzell, no Canadians have been charged or prosecuted under the act.

– For more national Jewish news, visit cjnews.com

Israel’s antiquities trade

A brochure about antique coins from Zak’s Antiquities.

Israel’s central role in the global antiquities business was the subject of a Zoom lecture on May 2 sponsored by the W.F. Albright Institute of Archeological Research in Jerusalem and the Palestine Exploration Fund, headquartered in London.

Entitled The Antiquities Trade in Israel and Palestine: Same as it Ever Was?, the joint presentation featured Michael Press, a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Agder in Kristiansand, Norway, specializing in the archeology of ancient Israel, and Morag Kersel, an associate professor of anthropology at DePaul University in Chicago, Ill., who studies the relationship between cultural heritage law, archeological sites and objects, and local interaction.

Press offered a scholarly overview of how the trade in antiquities burgeoned in the 19th century as tourism and Holy Land pilgrimage reached a mass scale, while Kersel spoke about how the quasi-licit trade functions today.

The Ottoman Empire enacted its first antiquities law in 1869, prohibiting the export of the empire’s heritage, Press noted. Yet, the first English-language Baedeker guide to Palestine and Syria, published seven years later, detailed the sum of baksheesh – a paltry few francs – needed to grease the palm of a customs officer to smuggle out a centuries-old souvenir.

The discovery in 1868 in Dhiban, Jordan, of a monumental Iron Age inscription mentioning King Mesha of Moab triggered an explosion of forgeries, continued Press. Notably, in 1873, Jerusalem antiquities dealer Moses Wilhelm Shapira (1830-1884) hoodwinked Germany into purchasing a trove of 1,800 fakes, he said.

Most pilgrims were interested in acquiring objets de piété, or items related to religion. A popular article was the widow’s mite, the least valuable coin circulating in Roman Judea, which Jesus mentioned in Mark 12:41-44 and Luke 21:1-4. The market in ancient coins included a brisk trade in forged gold and silver coins. Some pilgrims carried with them valuable numismatic items (rare coins, tokens, etc.) from Europe, which they sold in Palestine to fund their journey.

The evolving trade included Samaritan, Hebrew and Greek manuscripts, gems and seals, and ancient lachrymatories – perfume vials that widows would ostensibly fill with their tears and place in tombs as symbols of mourning for the deceased.

Press showed advertising from an American newspaper for the Phoenician (ie. Roman) glassware of Azeez Khayat (1875-1943). Born in Tyre, Lebanon, then part of Ottoman Syria, Khayat arrived at Ellis Island in 1893 and became a United States citizen five years later. Using the small collection of ancient glass he had brought with him, he became a dealer on Rector Street in Manhattan’s Little Syria. On repeated trips to his Middle East homeland, he was able to bring back thousands of artifacts – often excavated by his own workmen – and sell them in a gallery he opened first on West 11th Street and, later, at 366 5th Ave., opposite the Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Many notable U.S. museums acquired important objects through him.

The market for Holy Land antiquities – both counterfeit and real – also included pottery vessels and oil lamps, said Press.

Bringing the story to the present, Kersel said the restrictions imposed by Israel’s Antiquities Law of 1978 forbid the sale of any human-made item from before 1700 CE. However, the act grandfathered the sale of items already in the inventory of the country’s 50 or so licensed antiquities dealers, she said. Since those catalogues are often nondescript and include unclear photographs, and since the lists are rarely updated when an item is sold, there is considerable opportunity to introduce newly and illegally acquired items, Kersel explained.

Underfunded and overstretched, the Israel Antiquities Authority’s anti-theft unit does its best to monitor dealers’ illegal activities, she said. Most shops are located along the Via Dolorosa in the Old City of Jerusalem and resemble Aladdin’s cave of treasures. Those in luxury hotels are decked out with elaborate displays resembling those in prestigious museums. All provide a certificate of authenticity cum export permit with each sale, she noted.

Typical is Zak’s Antiquities, run by Zak Mishriky, located in the Old City’s Christian Quarter Road, which advertises: “Invest in biblical antiquities. Ageless, timeless & priceless.” Fine print about the source of the merchandise notes: “The majority of our ancient artifacts come to us through private collections and auctions here in Israel.”

As an archeologist, Kersel has devoted two decades to tracking how the illicit trade in unprovenanced objects extends from the ground to the consumer. In a network that extends from the United Arab Emirates through Jordan, the West Bank and Israel to the United Kingdom and the United States, shady operators, she noted, are pillaging the Middle East’s cultural artifacts. Their criminal enterprise results in the destruction of archeological sites, the desecration of ancient graves and theft from museums. Moreover, it compromises the understanding of the past, she said. Some tie the business to funding terrorism.

Kersel categorized those buying these items into four groups. The first she called explorers, some of whom volunteer on archeological excavations, who generally purchase low-cost items from a cabinet of curiosities in the Old City and do so in search of an authentic exotic cultural experience. While not condoning their behaviour, she excoriated the second group – the elite. She was particularly critical of billionaire Steve Green of Oklahoma. The evangelical Christian, whose family owns the Hobby Lobby craft store chain, used his fortune to establish the Museum of the Bible in Washington, D.C., which opened in 2017.

“There were a lot of red flags,” she said of the museum’s acquisitions. All 16 Dead Sea Scroll fragments Green purchased proved to be forgeries, she noted, explaining how the antiquities enthusiast’s agents mislabeled the thousands of artifacts he purchased. Shipping them in small batches to various American addresses, they hoped to stay below the radar. The scam was finally stopped thanks to a tip-off from a FedEx agent, she said. Some 3,450 items were seized by U.S. authorities.

Kersel was similarly harsh in discussing disgraced Wall Street financier Michael Steinhardt, who, during a period of high inflation in the 1970s, conceived that antiquities were a commodity likely to appreciate quickly. Like Green, Steinhardt sought to gain validation for his purchases – including a group of Neolithic masks perhaps looted from caves by the Dead Sea – by donating them to museums. Steinhardt was a major benefactor of the Israel Museum.

Kersel identified the third group as religious tourists. Like their 19th-century forebearers, they, too, are interested in small-scale items like the widow’s mite, or lachrymatories.

The fourth group Kersel identified comprises members of a charter, such as alumni of a university or members of a sports or social club on an organized tour, who are driven by a group psychology. If one person buys an artifact, that leads their peers to do so, too, she said. And those items must be “cheap, portable and dustable.”

Citing Nelson H.H. Graburn, a professor emeritus in sociocultural anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley, Kersel said such charter tourists will knowingly purchase a replica in order not to lose face with their fellow travelers.

“Afghanistan’s Law on the Protection of Historical and Cultural Properties (2004) strictly regulates the excavation and sale of antiquities: allowing private ownership of only registered antiquities, and prohibiting export except by the state,” said Press. The result has been to drive the business underground – would the result be any different were Israel to declare the antiquities trade illegal, revoke dealers’ licenses and nationalize their inventories?

Kersel cautioned such a radical solution would not end the trade. In an email, she wrote: “I don’t think that the demand for biblical antiquities will ever end, everyone wants something from the Holy Land, but I do think we can create better collectors, who only buy from licensed dealers and who ask about provenance, the origin stories, of the piece.”

Gil Zohar is a writer and tour guide in Jerusalem.

Spotting disinformation

On May 30, the Global Reporting Centre’s Peter Klein will give the talk Disinformation and Democracy. (photo from VST)

Emmy Award-winning journalist Peter Klein will be the keynote speaker at this year’s Making Meaning in a Time of Media Polarization conference, organized by the Vancouver School of Theology (VST). Klein’s talk on the evening of May 30 – titled Disinformation and Democracy – is free and open to the public.

Klein, a professor at the University of British Columbia School of Journalism, Writing and Media, also heads the Global Reporting Centre, an independent news organization based at UBC that focuses on innovating global journalism. His lecture will explore the role that disinformation plays in both confusing the public and in undermining journalism.

“Open information is central to democracy,” said Klein. “There is no open society without open dialogue. In the past, the challenge was simply to restrict governments from curtailing the media. That was a challenge in itself, but, today, there are so many forces of propaganda and disinformation, many much more subtle than dictators arresting journalists.”

The origins of disinformation go back a long way, Klein noted. He referred to a Jan. 24, 2018, message on World Communications Day from Pope Francis who spoke of the “crafty serpent” in the Book of Genesis that created “fake news” to lure Adam and Even to “original sin.”

Klein will focus his talk on more contemporary efforts to lead people astray – from Germany’s Hitler to the Russian newspaper Pravda to Iraq’s Saddam Hussein. He will first look at disinformation from a North American context, then provide several international examples.

The Global Reporting Centre recently competed a study on disinformation attacks on journalists, or what he refers to as a “special subset of disinformation.”

“Attacking the messenger is an old trick that people in power have traditionally used, but social media has made it so much easier to undermine the authority of journalists,” said Klein, who has served as a producer for 60 Minutes, created video projects for the New York Times and written columns for the Globe and Mail, among other publications.

“Publish a critical story about a politician or business leader, and there’s a chance they or their supporters will come after you any way they can,” said Klein. “What we found in our study is that those wanting to undermine media do so by attacking on basis of race, gender and a number of other factors, which vary geographically.”

Though social media is what Klein calls “the pointy end of the stick,” mainstream media has, sometimes through disinformation, become polarized, too, he said. The Dominion Voting Systems case against Fox News, ending in April when the network paid a $787 million US settlement, is a clear example. Fox had falsely claimed that Dominion manipulated the results of the 2020 American presidential election.

“Fox had to pay for this, but they’re still standing, and I don’t necessarily see much change at the network,” Klein said.

The latter part of Klein’s talk will examine ways to combat disinformation. A key element of lessening the problem comes down to “public sophistication,” said Klein.

“We’re awash in fake news, not just political but calls to your cellphone that the RCMP is going to arrest you because of unpaid taxes, ads for incredible deals on household goods that just need a small deposit to hold the item, and the classic Nigerian prince scheme. I think we’re getting better at spotting that kind of fake information, although people still fall for it on a regular basis – including me recently, when looking for a deep freezer. As the public gets more sophisticated, so do the scammers.”

The same holds true for disinformation, according to Klein, and people need to improve their ability to identify falsehoods. He spoke about the visit a few years ago to the Global Reporting Centre by a journalist who exposed that torture was being committed by Iraqi special forces fighting ISIS. Following the visit, an Iraqi graduate student arrived at Klein’s office and presented a video that portrayed the journalist as a fabulist and a torturer himself.

“It turned out this video was part of a disinformation campaign in Iraq meant to undermine his embarrassing reporting, but she fell for it. We’re all susceptible, but if we can be better educated about disinformation and better equipped to spot it, we have a chance to combat it,” Klein said.

“In many ways, we’re more powerful than those who are combating traditional heavy-handed censorship and attacks on media. My parents fled Soviet-controlled Hungary, where public dialogue that was not in line with the state narrative could get you tossed in jail. We have the agency to combat it,” he said.

Rabbi Laura Duhan-Kaplan, director of the conference Making Meaning in a Time of Media Polarization, which looks at how religious communities might respond to a crisis in public discourse. (photo from VST)

Making Meaning in a Time of Media Polarization, which will be held May 30-June 1, will be VST’s eighth annual inter-religious conference on public life. Its participants will seek answers on how spiritual and religious leaders might proceed at a time when social media, politicians and some news organizations sow polarization and cultivate outrage.

“Under COVID restrictions, our society’s stress points started to crack. We saw bad actors use media and social media to divide people, and we saw innocent, well-meaning people get drawn in,” said Rabbi Laura Duhan-Kaplan, director of Inter-Religious Studies and professor of Jewish studies at VST, who is the conference director.

“Ideally, in spiritual communities, people learn how to live a meaningful life with others. So, we started to think about how religious communities might respond to a crisis in public discourse,” she said. “We designed a conference where media experts can help us understand the crisis, and religious teachers can help us respond.”

To register for Klein’s talk – which will take place at Epiphany Chapel in-person, as well as online – visit vst.edu/inter-religious-studies-program/conference.

Sam Margolis has written for the Globe and Mail, the National Post, UPI and MSNBC.

זרים שביקשו לרכוש נדל”ן בקנדה יאלצו להמתין

(צילום: Sam Gusway)

החל מראשית חודש ינואר, קנדה החלה לאסור על מרבית האזרחים הזרים לקנות נכסים לדיור במשך שנתיים. זאת, במקביל בעלייה בביקושים לעבור לקנדה ממדינות רבות בעולם

למשל: בקיץ האחרון, לאחר שבית המשפט העליון בארצות הברית ביטל את פסיקת (רו נגד וייד) ואת ההגנות הפדרליות על זכותן של נשים לעבור הפלה, נהרו המוני אמריקאים לאתר גוגל והקלידו את השאלה: איך לעבור לגור בקנדה. זאת תוך הקפצת מספר החיפושים בלא פחות משמונה מאות וחמישים אחוז בתוך שעה אחת בלבד. החיפושים של איך להפוך לאזרח קנדי מהשורה זינקו בחמש מאות וחמישים אחוז

ההחלטה לעבור ולהתגורר בקנדה נחשבת מזה זמן רב לתגובה כמעט אוטומטית כאשר המצב הפוליטי המקומי הופך לעגום במספר לא מבוטל של מדינות – כולל ישראל, ולא רק בארצות הברית. בבריטניה למשל נרשם זינוק משמעותי בחיפושים איך לעבור לקנדה במהלך חודש יוני אלפיים ושש עשרה. זאת זמן קצר לאחר פרסום משאל העם שבו הוחלט על פרישתה של בריטניה מהאיחוד האירופי (הברקזיט)

אבל יתכן שממשלת קנדה בשלב זה מערימה קשיים על זרים לרכוש נדל”ן בעת הזו – במדינה השנייה בגדולה בעולם מבחינת שטח (אחרי רוסיה). זאת לאחר שהחל מראשית החודש שעבר (ינואר), נכנס לתוקף בקנדה איסור נרחב למשך שנתיים ימים על רכישת נדל”ן למגורים על ידי מי שאינם אזרחי המדינה

כמו מדינות רבות אחרות בזמן מגפת הקורונה, גם בקנדה נרשם זינוק חד הן במחירי הדיור והן במחירי השכירות לאחר שהריביות על הלוואות צנחו לשפל, וגררו עמן מטה את רמות המלאי בשוק. באלפיים עשרים ואחת בעיצומה של מערכת בחירות קשה, המפלגה הליברלית של ראש הממשלה ג’סטין טרודו, הזהירה כי משבר הדיור במדינה הולך והופך למשבר פוליטי. הביקוש לרכישת בתים בפרט ונדל”ן בכלל בקנדה מושכת ספסרים, תאגידים עשירים, ומשקיעים זרים. כך הכריז אתר קמפיין המפלגה הליברלית. בתים נועדו לאזרחי המדינה ולא למשקיעים. לאחר מערכת בחירות צמודה, באביב האחרון המפלגה הליברלית הציגה בשקט בשקט את החוק החדש והמשמעותי, שאוסר על אזרחים זרחים לרכוש נדל”ן בקנדה

הצעת החוק באה בתגובה לתחושות פוליטיות רווחות, אולם נשמעה אבסורדית. כך אמר ג’קי צ’אן, מייסד ומנכ”ל חברת נדל”ן בייקר-ווסט בעיר ונקובר, שמשווקת דירות יוקרה במגדלי מגורים ברחבי קנדה. אמנם ונקובר וקנדה הן רב-תרבותיות, אולם קיימת תחושה כללית לפיה אסייתים, זרים ומהגרים מגיעים לכאן, קונים נדל”ן, זוללים את ההיצע וגורמים לעליות מחירים. מוסיף עוד צ’אן, שבעצמו נולד בהונג קונג והוא מתגורר בוונקובר כבר קרוב לשלושים שנה. מרבית הזרים שרוכשים נדל”ן אינם משקיעים ספקולנטים. אלה לדבריו מדובר רק במהגרים שקונים בתים כדי להתגורר בהם

מלבד זאת, מספר ממשלות מחוזיות שונות בקנדה כבר נוקטות בצעדים כדי לתת מענה למחירי הדיור הנוסקים. במחוז אונטריו שהוא הגדול בקנדה, הממשלה המקומית העלתה את המס על משקיעים זרים ספקולטיבים המשקיעים בנדל”ן, מעשרים אחוז לעשרים וחמישה אחוז. במחוז בריטיש קולומביה נקבע מס של עשרים אחוז על רוכשי בתים מחו”ל. ונדמה היה כי הצעדים הללו נושאים פרי – השקעות זרות בנכסי נדל”ן נפלו משיא של תשעה אחוזים ממכירות הנדל”ן למגורים ביוני אלפיים ושש עשרה לאחוז בודד ביוני שנה שעברה. זאת, לפי נתוני משרד האוצר של מחוז בריטיש קולומביה. אף יזם שפוי אפילו לא חשב על זה, אמר צ’אן. איזה הגיון יש באיסור הזה

עד אמצע שנה שעברה, המחירים ברחבי קנדה כבר החלו לרדת. אבל ביוני, בלי יותר מדי רעש, האיסור על קונים זרים אושר כחוק. למעשה, הוא חמק כמעט לחלוטין מהעין הציבורית, ואפילו מעיניהם של מומחי נדל”ן רבים. מה גם שטרודו ופוליטיקאים אחרים משום מה כמעט ולא התייחסו בפומבי לחוק מאז שנחקק, והוא זכה לכיסוי מועט באמצעי תקשורת המקומיים בקנדה

ייתכן כי הדבר נבע מכך שהחוק עורר טענות בדבר שנאת זרים. בזמן שמספר המהגרים לקנדה שובר שיאים – נתונים שפורסמו באוקטובר חשפו שמהגרים מהווים כעת כמעט רבע מהאוכלוסייה המקומית, כאשר הרוב המכריע מגיעים ממדינות הודו וסין. לדברי מספר וותיקים בענף הנדל”ן המקומי יש לכך קשר שמהגרים או משקיעים זרים ספגו הרבה מהאשמה למשבר הדיור ועליית המחירים, וזה היה נושא פוליטי גדול. כך אמר ברנדון אוגמונדסון, הכלכלן הראשי של איגוד הנדל”ן של מחוז בריטיש קולומביה. אך יש לזכור שמגיפת הקוביד חסמה כמעט לחלוטין, את הגישה לרכישת נדל”ן בבריטיש קולומביה על ידי משקיעים זרים. המחירים עדיין שברו שיאים חדשים, שכך שהוכח שהשחקנים הזרים אינם משמעותיים בשוק הנדל”ן המקומי. ולכן לאיסור החדש לא תהיה השפעה על הענף

בסוף שנה שעברה (שישה חודשים לאחר שהחוק נחקק) הממשלה הפדרלית פרסמה את התקנות לגבי אכיפת החוק והפטורים ממנו. למשל: החוק החדש אינו חל על בתי נופש באזורי קייט. בנוסף פטורים ממנו למשל רוכשי בתים בעלי מעמד של תושבים בקנדה, פליטים, זרים שנושאים לבני זוג קנדיים, אזרחים זרים שרוכשים בתים צמודי קרקע עם לפחות שלוש יחידות דיור. כמו גם סטודנטים זרים הלומדים בקנדה, ועוברים זרים בעלי רשיונות לעבוד בקנדה

יש הטוענים כי התקנות החדשות לא מספקות מענה הולם לדקויות החוק. אין בחוק החדש הבהרות משמעותיות. כך אומר סטיבן קריין, נשיא ומנכ”ל חברת סי.אי.אר.סי. שמייעצת לחברות בנושאי ניידות כוח אדם בשוק העבודה ורילוקיישן של עובדים זרים. משרדי תיווך טוענים כי חוסר הבהירות הזו גורמת בעצם לשיתוק בשוק. במקום למהר להספיק לקנות לפני כניסת החוק לתוקף, מרבית הקונים הזרים צפויים פשוט להמתין לתפוגת החוק בעוד שנתיים ימים. הלקוחות שלנו נמצאים בעמדת המתנה. כך אומרת ליזה קאופמן, מייסדת ושותפה במשרד התיווך סותביס אינטרנשונל רילטי בעיר מונטריאול שבמחוז קוויבק. לדבריה כאשר הלקוחות הזרים שומעים שאפילו המומחים בענף לא מצליחים להבין את החוק החודש, הם פשוט מעדיפים לוותר בעת הזו. קאופמן אומרת שרק לקוח בודד אחד שלה שהוא פנסיונר הגר בארצות הברית (ולא מוכן לחשוף את זהותו), הזדרז ורכש דירת נופש במונטריאול לפני כניסתו לתוקף של האיסור החדש – האוסר רכישת נדל”ן בקנדה על ידי זרים

בה בעת, בערים הגדולות של קנדה נרשמה ירידה במספר הקונים הזרים בשוק. באזור מטרו טורונטו למשל שיעור השתתפות הזרים בשוק הוא, לכל היותר בין שלושה אחוזים לשישה אחוזים. כך טוען קווין קריגר, נשיא מועצת ארגון חברות הנדל”ן של אזור טורונטו. בשיעור ההשקעה הנוכחית של זרים בנדל”ן המקומי, החוק החדש חסר משמעות אם מסתכלים על התמונה הגדולה של הענף, מוסיף קריגר

אבל כעת נראה כי קונים בינלאומיים חדשים לא ממהרים לשום מקום, ומוכנים להמתין עד לסיום תקופת האיסור בת השנתיים. פאולין אונגר ממשרד התיווך רויאל לפייג’ אדוונטג’ בעיר סמיתס פולס במחוז אונטריו, אומרת כי נרשם זינוק בפעילות הקנייה, לאחר הפרסום הראשוני בדבר החוק החדש בחודש אפריל. מאז, לדבריה, הלקוחות מחכים להנחיות, אבל לא קונים. זה במידה רבה מצב הנוכחי – והוא להמתין ולראות מה יקרה

Charges are withdrawn

A criminal charge against the Canadian arm of an Israel-based organization that provides volunteers for the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) has been withdrawn because there was no reasonable chance for a conviction.

On Dec. 12, the Public Prosecution Service of Canada (PPSC), which assumed carriage of the case, withdrew a charge that Sar-El Canada violated the Foreign Enlistment Act, which prohibits Canadians from enlisting in or accepting any “commission or engagement” in the armed forces of a foreign country. The charge was withdrawn because there was “no reasonable prospect of conviction,” Sar-El Canada’s lawyer, John Rosen, told the CJN. “The case is now completed.”

The charge was approved in September by a justice of the peace in a private prosecution initiated by David Mivasair, a Hamilton, Ont.-based rabbi with a long history of activism targeting Israel, and Rehab Nazzal, a Palestinian-born, Toronto-based artist who was shot in the leg in Bethlehem in 2015 while photographing an IDF crowd control weapon. They alleged that Toronto-based Sar-El Canada broke the law because it recruited or induced individuals to volunteer for Israel’s armed forces. They further alleged that, once in Israel, volunteers reside on military bases, wear military uniforms and complete tasks that would otherwise be assigned to soldiers; those allegedly included packing food rations and medical kits, cleaning tanks, painting helmets, radio repairs and gas mask refurbishment.

In a statement, they said the “recruitment” in Canada of volunteers “to assist the Israeli military ought to be a concern of all Canadians.” They began a private prosecution after they said police and the federal government failed to act on a complaint.

Sar-El Canada sends 100 to150 volunteers a year from this country to Israel, the group’s national president, Jeff Sarfin, told the CJN when the matter began.

In a statement to the CJN, Sarfin said Sar-El Canada is “very pleased” that the charge was withdrawn. He said the “attempt by anti-Israel activists to intimidate us and the Jewish community has failed. We are also grateful to the support we have received from the Jewish community as we deepen and strengthen the connection between our community and Israel.”

Rosen echoed the sentiment. The complaint “was merely another failed attack on Israel and those who support it, this time by attempting to hijack Canada’s legal system,” he said. He said the charge should never have been authorized and agreed with the prosecution that there was never a reasonable prospect of conviction.

“More importantly,” Rosen added, “the prosecution of this baseless complaint would also have been against the public interest, given Canada’s implicit approval of similar activities that directly support Ukraine’s defence against Russia.”

Ukraine has openly called for soldiers from around the world to join the fight against Russia. Ukraine’s consul general in Toronto was recently quoted as saying that “hundreds” of Canadians got in touch to offer assistance.

Sar-El Canada’s parent organization in Israel was established 40 years ago. It operates in more than 30 countries and has to date sent some 160,000 volunteers to Israel to provide “broad logistical support to the IDF,” its website says. Volunteering takes place on IDF bases throughout the country.

Programs offer volunteers “an opportunity to live and work beside Israeli soldiers and gain an insider view of Israel.” Working alongside soldiers and base employees, the “non-combat civilian support duties” encompass packing medical supplies, repairing machinery and equipment, and cleaning, painting and maintaining the base. The Sar-El program “is a morale booster and motivator for the soldiers,” the group’s website states.

In a hearing in September before the justice of the peace who approved the charge against Sar-El Canada, Mivasair testified that, to the best of his understanding, the Foreign Enlistment Act prohibits recruiting people for “non-combatant engagements” with foreign armies.

Asked for a comment and whether an appeal is being considered, Shane Martinez, a lawyer for Mivasair and Nazzal, told the CJN: “We disagree with the decision of the Federal Crown and are exploring all available options.”

Two years ago, a campaign launched by progressive groups and 170 prominent Canadians alleged that illegal recruiting for the IDF of non-Israeli citizens was taking place in this country. Justice Minister David Lametti was asked to investigate. He referred the matter to the RCMP.

– For more national Jewish news, visit thecjn.ca.

Sar-El faces a legal challenge

The Canadian arm of an Israeli organization that provides volunteers for the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) is facing a legal challenge to show that it does not violate Canadian law.

Sar-El Canada is slated to go to court in Toronto on Nov. 23 to argue that it does not violate the Foreign Enlistment Act.

The act states that “any person who, within Canada, recruits or otherwise induces any person or body of persons to enlist or to accept any commission or engagement in the armed forces of any foreign state or other armed forces operating in that state, is guilty of an offence.”

Sar-El Canada sends 100 to 150 volunteers a year from this country to Israel, the group’s national president, Jeff Sarfin, told the CJN. He said the organization had received nothing in writing about the legal challenge, and would issue a statement when it does.

Sarfin said those behind the legal challenge “are well-known anti-Israel activists known to cause trouble” and that “we consider this a non-issue.”

The case is the latest salvo from David Mivasair, a Hamilton, Ont.-based rabbi with a long history of activism targeting Israel, who called Vancouver home for many years.

Mivasair is joined on the private prosecution by Rehab Nazzal, a Palestinian-born, Toronto-based artist who was shot in the leg in Bethlehem in 2015 while photographing an IDF “skunk” truck, a non-lethal weapon used for crowd control.

A statement issued Sept. 28, by lawyer John Philpot, claimed that Sar-El Canada “acted as an intermediary to recruit or induce individuals to volunteer in a non-combatant role with the Israeli military. It is further alleged that, once in Israel, volunteers would reside on military bases, wear military uniforms and complete tasks that would otherwise be assigned to soldiers. These tasks allegedly included (but were not limited to) packing food rations or medical kits, cleaning tanks, painting helmets, radio repairs, and gas mask refurbishment.”

On Sept. 22, a justice of the peace approved a private prosecution against Sar-El, compelling the organization to appear in court in November.

“This will be only a first appearance, and there are a number of preliminary stages that the case will need to pass through before a trial date can be scheduled,” Shane Martinez, one of the lawyers representing Mivasair and Nazzal, told the CJN.

Recruiting in Canada for volunteers to assist the Israeli military “ought to be a concern of all Canadians,” Mivasair stated in a press release. He said the matter was brought to the attention of the federal government and the Toronto Police Service and “they both failed to act. We felt obliged to bring this prosecution as a civic duty to ensure respect for the rule of law.”

None of the allegations have been tested in court.

According to the Ontario courts’ website, a private prosecution is a legal process in which a person who has reasonable grounds to believe that someone has committed a criminal offence seeks to have the person charged and brought to court. The Foreign Enlistment Act is not part of the Criminal Code but criminal proceedings arising from it are “subject to and governed by the Criminal Code.” The act sanctions fines and imprisonment for those found guilty.

Sar-El Canada’s parent organization in Israel was established 40 years ago. Sar-El (a Hebrew acronym for “Service for Israel”) was originally set up to provide volunteer labour to farmers who were called up for military service, so their crops wouldn’t fail.

Sar-El operates in more than 30 countries and has to date sent some 160,000 volunteers to Israel to provide “broad logistical support to the IDF,” its website says. Volunteering takes place on IDF bases throughout Israel.

According to Sar-El, programs offer volunteers an opportunity to live and work beside Israeli soldiers and gain an insider view of Israel. Working alongside soldiers and base employees, the “non-combat civilian support duties” encompass packing medical supplies, repairing machinery and equipment; and cleaning, painting and maintaining the base.

The Sar-El program “is a morale booster and motivator for the soldiers,” the group’s website states.

David Matas, senior legal counsel for B’nai Brith Canada, said there “is no particular reason” the complainants in the Sar-El case should bring the matter forward. Typically, victims begin a private prosecution because they feel they have been ignored or turned away by police or the Crown.

The complainants in this case “do not identify as victims of any particular act of Sar-El volunteers. None of them personally claims to have suffered a loss as a result of what a Sar-El volunteer has done.”

The Foreign Enlistment Act, meantime, does not intend to include those who are not members of the armed forces. Sar-El volunteers “do not become members of the Israel Defence Forces [and] do not enlist in the Israel Defence Forces,” Matas told the CJN. “They are non-member support for the forces.”

Matas said the Crown can intervene in a private prosecution to stay a case, and that it would be “appropriate” for that to happen in this matter.

He pointed out that Ukraine has openly called for soldiers from around the world to join the fight against Russia. Oleskandr Shevchenko, Ukraine’s consul general in Toronto, told the National Post that “hundreds” of Canadians got in touch to offer assistance.

Allowing the Sar-El prosecution to proceed “would create an arbitrary situation where help for Israel is prosecuted and help for other states under armed threat is not,” Matas said.

In a related recent development, Canada’s justice ministry dismissed a petition that had called on the Liberal government to prosecute those who recruit and encourage recruiting for the IDF.

The petition singled out the Israeli consulate in Toronto, which had advertised “on several occasions an IDF representative available for personal appointments for those wishing to join the IDF, not just those who are required to do mandatory service.”

The petition was initiated by Mivasair and presented to the House of Commons in August 2021 by Hamilton NDP MP Matthew Green, but it died on the order paper when Parliament was dissolved for the federal election that followed.

Green reintroduced the petition this past June. On Sept. 22, the justice ministry replied that responsibility for the investigation and prosecution of offences under the Foreign Enlistment Act “rests with independent law enforcement and prosecution services.”

The campaign against the IDF’s recruitment of non-Israeli citizens in Canada began two years ago when several groups and some 170 prominent Canadians asked justice minister David Lametti to investigate the issue.

Israel’s Toronto consulate decried the action as part of a campaign “that attempts to smear the state of Israel and undermine [its] steadfast alliance with Canada.”

Israel’s consulate in Montreal at the time noted that consular services it provides are reserved for Israeli citizens and do not apply to non-Israelis who volunteer for the IDF.

At a news conference in October 2020, Lametti said Israeli diplomats serving in Canada “must follow Canadian law.” He referred the matter to the RCMP, which did not return calls and emails from the CJN seeking an update on the file.

Last year, Mivasair and Palestinian activist Khaled Mouammar asked the Canada Revenue Agency to investigate the Toronto-based Canadian Zionist Cultural Association for allegedly supporting the IDF.

Last May, following Israel’s brief war with Gaza, Mivasair was charged with one count of mischief after red paint, meant to symbolize Palestinian blood shed, was dumped onto the steps of the building housing Israel’s Toronto consulate. The charge was withdrawn in January.

– For more national Jewish news, visit thecjn.ca

Does history matter?

The promise of the internet was that people could access unprecedented volumes of information for the benefit of themselves and society as a whole. What has regrettably proven to be the case is that it is a fount from which people draw to “prove” falsehoods they choose to believe – or, for nefarious reasons, claim to believe.

Amid the oceans of “information” online, it is sometimes difficult to tell what people genuinely believe as opposed to what they say they believe in public to mislead their audiences. For example, does the U.S. member of Congress Marjorie Taylor Greene actually believe that reliance on solar energy means the lights will go out when the sun goes down? Or is her apparent stupidity a deliberate foil for her support of polluting energy sources? If she believes what she said, this is misinformation. If she knows she is telling a lie, it is disinformation.

The terms “misinformation” and “disinformation” are sadly necessary to understand what is happening in our era, as we have said in this space before and feel moved to repeat. In few places is this difference as consequential as in discussions of the history of the Holocaust.

Correspondence between Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and right-wing journalist Bronislaw Wildstein (and two others) leaked last week defines some of the world’s foremost Holocaust scholars as “enemies of the entire Polish nation.” There is other chilling language in the back-and-forth, detailing how top Polish authorities are expending enormous energies to rewrite the history of Polish collaboration in the Shoah.

A 2018 law forbids any suggestion that the Polish state or Polish people participated in Nazi crimes against Jews. International pressure saw the penalties for breaking this law reduced from a criminal conviction to a civil matter potentially resulting in a fine. But the intent and impact remain clear. Prof. Jan Grabowski, a Polish-born Canadian academic, and a Polish colleague, Barbara Engelking, were victorious in a 2021 appeal that saw an earlier court decision order to apologize to a descendant of a Shoah-era perpetrator for betraying Jewish neighbours to the German Nazis. But this court decision has not quenched the thirst for revisionism.

The obsession among top Polish officials on this subject is unabated. The email exchange includes the suggestion that Polish authorities should strategically coopt the Jewish experience in the Holocaust to their own benefit, recasting Poles as the Nazis’ primary targets and victims.

Poland also recently extended its Holocaust-related legislation to explicitly forbid financial restitution or compensation to survivors or their heirs.

The Polish government has steadfastly asserted that Nazi atrocities catastrophically affected non-Jewish Poles, which is plainly true. But two things can be true simultaneously. Many Poles were victimized by the Nazis and many Poles collaborated with the Nazis – and, in some cases, both involved the same individuals.

Wildstein, the journalist who seems to have the prime minister’s ear, makes threatening noises about top Holocaust research and archival bodies, including the Jewish Historical Institute, in Warsaw, and the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews, and mentions “the possibility of introducing our people into their midst.” He accuses the Polish Centre for Holocaust Research of presenting “an almost obsessive hatred of Poles.”

There is paranoia in the idea that exposing historical truth is identical to hatred. Ironically, while Germany is the European country that has engaged in the most introspective contrition, as much as a society can hope to do for so unparalleled a crime, Poland has steadfastly dug in its heels. The society that bears more blame for complicity with the Nazis than any other is the one that is not only refusing to confront its grotesque past but most stridently whitewashing it.

All of this has led to strained relations between Israel and Poland. It should also be a source of friction with other countries, including Canada, partly because it is a Canadian citizen, Grabowski, who is among the most targeted objects of Polish scorn, and partly because all democracies should stand up to this appalling historical revisionism.

There is a grim silver lining in this “debate.” The Polish authorities understand, as too few in the world seem to, that history matters. What happened in the past informs our present and future. If they can recast the past, they can affect the future.

The question for us is whether we, as a society, have the same understanding of and commitment to historical power. Are those who seek truth as motivated as those whose goal is to subvert it?

Editor’s Note: For a contrary point of view, click here to read the letter to the editor that was published in the Jewish Independent’s Sept. 2/22 issue.

New era in U.S. politics

The explosive debate around abortion spurred by the U.S. Supreme Court’s rejection of a woman’s right to reproductive self-determination reminds us that the Jewish perspective on the topic is nuanced.

“Jewish law approaches each case according to its particular circumstances,” notes an article at chabad.org. This central dictum of halachah, Jewish law, makes generalizations difficult. One thing is almost universally accepted: abortion can be halachically required if the life of the mother is in danger.

In 2015, 83% of American Jews told Pew Research Forum that abortion should be legal in all or most cases, which is more than any other religious group, a finding around Jewish support for reproductive choice that has been true for decades. However, a story from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency recently noted that a growing alignment between some Orthodox Jews and the Republican party in the United States has led a minority of Jews to adopt what has been largely a conservative Christian approach to the subject.

The Orthodox Union released a statement that they are “unable to either mourn or celebrate” the court’s overturning of Roe. Their position is that an outright ban is unacceptable under Jewish law, but that abortion should be limited to cases where the mental or physical health of the mother is at stake, with an emphasis on the preservation of life. Further, they stated that abortion should be available regardless of someone’s economic status.

The tectonic decision by the court, overturning 49 years of precedent set by the landmark Roe v. Wade case, has set in motion frenetic activity across that country and beyond. State officials have had the issue thrown into their laps. The United States will become a patchwork of regulations on the subject. The ruling has led to triumphant celebrations by opponents of abortion and it has reenergized those endorsing reproductive freedom. What all of this will mean, not only for abortion rights but for social movements and society more broadly, can only be remotely imagined at this point.

The abortion decision was only one of several massive reversals of existing norms the U.S. court issued in its session. In other cases, the court made it more difficult for lower jurisdictions to limit access to firearms, weakened the power of federal agencies to address climate change and struck down a ruling that limited prayer in public schools (in this specific case, Christian prayer at school football games).

The succession of cases throws down a gauntlet that most people – whatever their opinions – knew was coming when the former president appointed three justices to the court, creating a 6-3 conservative majority.

In many cases, though, these decisions are deeply out of step with what the majority of the population believes. Of course, court rulings should not necessarily mirror societal norms. Historically, courts have made society-altering decisions in spite of opposition – desegregating public schools against the wishes of white racists, for instance. Leaving aside philosophy, public opinion may not be able to impact a Supreme Court packed with political appointees (three of whom testified in their nomination hearings that the abortion question was settled law) but public opinion will change society.

Anti-abortion activists (and anti-climate, anti-secularism and anti-gun control activists) have been celebrating their big wins in these cases.

In 1973, as pro-reproductive choice activists were celebrating their Supreme Court win, a new movement was gaining its footing. It would develop into one of the biggest, most powerful movements in American history, a new conservatism that led, among many other social and economic changes, to the elections of Ronald Reagan, two Bushes and Donald Trump. And it accomplished one of the core objectives it set out to address: it tipped the scales of the Supreme Court and stripped women of rights they have had since 1973.

Those who were celebrating in 1973 are today experiencing a vast array of emotions: grief, disillusionment, fear. But also rage, determination and purpose.

As the Roe decision did in 1973, last month’s ruling will launch a new movement that, like the new conservatism before it, will address a broad range of social issues and injustices. It was impossible, 49 years ago, to foresee the changes that would come. Whichever side one may be on, be assured that we have entered a new era.

Criminalize Holocaust denial?

Criminalizing Holocaust denial would draw a moral line in the sand, say two advocates for legal action, but a lawyer and Canadian-Israeli former member of the Knesset has reservations.

Michal Cotler-Wunsh, head of the Nefesh B’Nefesh Institute for Aliyah Policy and Strategy and a former Israeli parliamentarian, acknowledged free speech concerns but focused more on the need for evidence-based decision-making before criminalizing those who question historical facts around the Shoah. She also noted that the countries that have adopted criminal sanctions against those who spread historical fabrications – Germany and France, for example – are among the very places where antisemitism is at its worst.

Sacha Ghozlan, a French legal expert and former president of the Union des étudiants juifs de France (Union of French Jewish Students), dismissed free speech concerns and warned against confusing cause and correlation between antisemitism and legal proscriptions.

“I don’t think you can draw a line between rising antisemitism in its new forms and the fact that a country has developed legislation to address rising Holocaust denial,” Ghozlan said.

Dr. Carson Phillips, managing director of the Neuberger Holocaust Education Centre, in Toronto, generally agreed with Ghozlan. Holocaust denial and expressions of hatred should not be protected grounds based on free speech arguments, he said.

“I don’t see this so much as a freedom of speech,” he said. “This is really an abuse of speech.… Does the listener have to be exposed to hate speech and an abuse of free speech?”

He argued that “putting a fence around free speech” is legitimate in cases where historical revisionism can lead to expressions of hatred.

The three speakers were panelists in an event presented by the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) March 29, titled Perspectives on Criminalizing Holocaust Denial.

A private member’s bill introduced in Parliament by Saskatchewan Conservative MP Kevin Waugh would amend the Criminal Code section that prohibits inciting hatred “against an identifiable group” to include “communication of statements, other than in private conversation, that wilfully promote antisemitism by condoning, denying or downplaying the Holocaust.”

Phillips contextualized Holocaust denial as a threat to Canadian society.

“The Holocaust is often [viewed] as being one of the foundational cornerstones of modern human rights and an attack on the Holocaust is certainly an attack on Canadian values and Canadian democracy and it needs to be taken very seriously,” he said.

While he supports criminalization, he acknowledged that this is only a part of the solution.

“I am an educator,” he said, adding that education has to exist alongside legal prohibitions.

“To me, it’s not an either/or situation, it’s a combination,” he said. “I see this as really strengthening and working together.”

Legislating against Holocaust denial would send a societal message, Phillips argued.

“It’s really important to draw a moral line,” he said. “In Canada, where we are a pluralistic society with strong democratic values, I think this is one example of a way of being able to draw a moral line in the sand and being able to say there are certain abuses of free speech that will not be tolerated and for very good reasons because we know where this can lead – obviously, to the Holocaust. But also looking at it from the perspective that Holocaust denial is a form [of], and leads to, antisemitism but it is also an attack on democratic values, which we value so much within the Canadian context.”

Ghozlan said that social media companies have faced calls to pull down expressions of hatred and Holocaust denial, but have often demurred based on the free speech assurances of the U.S. Constitution.

“But it’s not freedom of speech, it’s fake news,” he said. Advocates need to “level up pressure on social media, explaining to them that Holocaust denial is not about freedom of speech but it’s about an abuse of freedom of speech,” he said.

Cotler-Wunsh, former Blue and White party member of the Knesset and Canadian-raised step-daughter of legal scholar and former Canadian justice minister Irwin Cotler, said she has always been a fighter against antisemitism. But she raised red flags around the issue of free expression and focused more narrowly on whether a prohibition on Holocaust denial would have the desired outcome.

“Does the criminalization of Holocaust denial in fact meet the goal of combating antisemitism?” she asked. Banning Holocaust denial – which is easily debunked – may simply be a feel-good act that is “low-hanging fruit” in the battle against anti-Jewish hate and might detract from the bigger responsibility to remain vigilant, contest mistruths in the marketplace of ideas and educate, rather than merely seek to silence, she said.

Canada already has fairly robust legal consequences for hate expressions and Cotler-Wunsh warned that new laws that are difficult to administer, or that sit on the books without being enforced, could have the opposite of the intended effect.

By example, she said, a recent controversy around the Holocaust represents a missed opportunity. After Whoopi Goldberg said on the TV show The View that the Holocaust “was not about race,” she was suspended from the show for a period.

“I would have argued, if anybody would have asked me, that that was a great, great missed opportunity,” said Cotler-Wunsh. It was “exactly the moment to educate the millions of viewers of that show and be able to utilize that opportunity to engage in what the Holocaust was about.”

Education, while slow, is the only answer, she contended.

“At the end of the day, education is the key and that is one of the hardest things to say because it actually is the longest process,” said Cotler-Wunsh. “There is no quick fix in education.”

Where compulsion should be exercised, she said, is on social media platforms, which she said should adopt and implement the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Working Definition of Antisemitism.

She worries that passing legislation against Holocaust denial might let elected officials off the hook. She imagines legislators thinking, “Oh we’ve done something. We confronted antisemitism, when in fact data and empirics may show that criminalizing Holocaust denial hasn’t actually made a dent in the rising antisemitism in Europe 30 years [after some countries criminalized it].”

Cotler-Wunsh, Ghozlan and Phillips were in discussion with Emmanuelle Amar, director of policy and research in CIJA’s Quebec office. The event was opened and closed by Jeff Rosenthal, co-chair of the national board of CIJA.

Making internet safer

(image from internetmatters.org)

On March 30, Minister of Canadian Heritage Pablo Rodriguez and Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada David Lametti announced a new expert advisory group on online safety as the next step in developing legislation to address harmful online content.

While online platforms play a central role in the lives of Canadians, bringing many benefits to society, they can also be used as tools to cause real and significant harm to individuals, communities and the country. Harmful content, such as hate speech, sexual exploitation of children and incitement to violence, is published online every day. There are no broad regulatory requirements in Canada that apply to platforms regarding their responsibilities in relation to such content.

The expert advisory group will be mandated to provide advice on a legislative and regulatory framework that best addresses harmful content online. The group is composed of diverse experts and specialists from across Canada: Amarnath Amarasingam, Queen’s University; Bernie Farber, Canada Anti-Hate Network; Chanae Parsons, community activist and youth engagement specialist; David Morin, Université de Sherbrooke; Emily Laidlaw, University of Calgary; Ghayda Hassan, Université du Québec à Montréal; Heidi Tworek, University of British Columbia; Lianna McDonald, Canadian Centre for Child Protection; Pierre Trudel, Université de Montréal; Signa A. Daum Shanks, University of Ottawa; Taylor Owen, McGill University; and Vivek Krishnamurthy, University of Ottawa.

The advisory group will hold nine workshops to discuss various components of a legislative and regulatory framework for online safety. They will also take part in additional stakeholder engagement, including with digital platforms. The work of the advisory group will be open and transparent. The group’s mandate, the supporting materials for each session, and non-attributed summaries of all sessions and discussions, will be published.

“We conducted a consultation last year and released the What We Heard Report earlier this year,” said Rodriguez. “It’s clear that harmful online content is a serious problem, but there is no consensus on how to address it. We’re asking the expert advisory group to go back to the drawing board. We need to address this problem openly and transparently as a society.”

Facts and figures on online violence in Canada include that:

62% of Canadians think there should be more regulation of online hate speech;
58% of women in Canada have been victims of abuse online;
80% of Canadians support requirements to remove racist or hateful content within 24 hours;
one in five Canadians have experienced some form of online hate;
racialized Canadians are almost three times more likely to have experienced harmful behaviour online;
there was a 1,106% increase in online child sexual exploitation reports received by the RCMP National Child Exploitation Crime Centre between 2014 to 2019.

“Too many people and communities are victimized by harmful online content that is often amplified and spread through social media platforms and other online services,” said Lametti. “The Government of Canada believes that Canadians should have protection from harmful online content, while respecting freedom of expression.”

– Courtesy Canadian Heritage

Also on March 30, the Canadian Coalition to Combat Online Hate announced the launch of their new website, combatonlinehate.ca, providing youth, parents, educators and policymakers with strategic tools to be effective in their efforts to identify and combat online hate.

“Canadians are exposed daily to a barrage of hateful and divisive online messages that pollute social media forums with content that is antisemitic, anti-Black, anti-Asian, anti-Indigenous, misogynistic, Islamophobic and homophobic, and that promotes conspiracy theories. These posts, videos and memes are easily discoverable and readily shared, often masked by anonymity or given undue credibility,” said Richard Marceau, vice-president, external affairs and general counsel at the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA). “We know that online hate can become real-life violence. Hate-motivated murders at Christchurch’s Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Centre and at Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life Synagogue stand as notable examples. It is incumbent on all of us, before it is too late, to combat online hate with the most effective tools available.”

According to a 2021 survey by the Canadian Race Relations Foundation, 42% of respondents have seen or experienced hateful comments or content inciting violence online, and younger and racialized Canadians are significantly more likely to be confronted with this hate. The same study indicated that 93% of Canadians believe that online hate speech and racism are problems, of which 49% believe they are “very serious” problems. Findings also showed that at least 60% of Canadians believe that the federal government has an obligation to pass regulations preventing hateful and racist rhetoric and behaviour online. Only 17% prefer no government involvement at all.

“We saw COVID exacerbate online hate exponentially, as stress levels and political division rose amid lockdowns. By working together, we can make the communities we are building online – and, by extension, the communities we inhabit offline – safer places for all Canadians,” said Marceau.

The website combatonlinehate.ca is organized by the Canadian Coalition to Combat Online Hate, funded by Canadian Heritage and powered by CIJA.

– Courtesy Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs