democracy

Lessons in Mamdani’s win

Zohran Mamdani, the new mayor of New York City, was a controversial candidate who won, in part, because of a campaign focused on local concerns, and not global politics. (photo by Kara McCurdy / commons.wikimedia.org)

New York City just elected as mayor Zohran Mamadani, an anti-Zionist who has been dogged by accusations of antisemitism. Recent civic elections in Canada, on the other hand, had brighter news for Jewish and pro-Israel observers, according to Emile Scheffel, managing director of CJPAC, the Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee.

Scheffel presented an online briefing Nov. 14 on how Mamdani won, what it means and how Canadian voters in several cities sent somewhat different messages.

During his campaign, Mamdani responded emotionally to accusations that he is antisemitic. In the end, according to exit polls, he received votes from about one in three Jewish New Yorkers and was endorsed by numerous prominent Jewish individuals, as well as organizations like Jewish Voice for Peace Action, the political arm of the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for Peace.

“When you have this kind of a movement running cover for Mr. Mamdani, it became relatively easy for him to skate past those or to push through those allegations of antisemitism,” Scheffel said. “I don’t know what’s in Mr. Mamdani’s heart. I don’t genuinely know exactly what he believes. But I’m a firm believer that you can tell a lot about a person’s character from the people with whom they choose to associate.”

Scheffel noted a controversy in which Mamdani was photographed with Imam Siraj Wahhaj, who the US justice system calls an unindicted co-conspirator in the 1993 Al-Qaeda bombing attack on the World Trade Centre in New York City. Mamdani later chose not to distance himself from the imam.

Another controversy that dogged Mamdani was his hesitation to condemn the slogan “Globalize the intifada.”

“He repeatedly refused to condemn that language,” said Scheffel. “I want to again be fair by acknowledging that there are different interpretations of what ‘Globalize the intifada’ means, depending on the context. But I am a believer … that there is a great deal of evidence that ‘Globalize the intifada’ is first and foremost a call for violence against Jews and against Jewish institutions and individuals.

“But here’s the catch,” said Scheffel.

Prior to the mayoral election, Scheffel “did a pretty deep dive” on Mamdani’s website, looking for keywords like “Israel,” “Palestine” and “Gaza.”

He found nothing, because the Mamdani website and the campaign’s broader messaging was laser-focused on the core theme of affordability and lowering the cost of living for working-class New Yorkers.

Scheffel shared statistics about housing costs and other expenses in New York City.

“You can start,” he said, “to understand how he built a coalition of people who are primarily motivated not by Mamdani’s views on the Middle East, not by his relationship or lack thereof with members of the Jewish community, but by what he promised to do for the future of New York City and the people living there.”

In contrast, Scheffel, who has extensive background in political communications and issues management, skewered the website and messaging of Mamdani’s prime opponent, former New York governor Andrew Cuomo. He said Cuomo’s campaign website was filled with mixed messages and meaningless jargon.

“If I can’t figure out what the candidate is trying to tell me, how would I trust them to have a clear vision or a reasonable plan to tackle the issues that are facing me and that are facing the city?” he asked. “Mamdani, whatever you think about him, ran an extremely effective campaign that’s in line with all the best practices we would recommend to a candidate running for any office anywhere.”

While many Jews have been tuned in to politics in the largest American city, they may have overlooked other elections closer to home.

Municipalities in Quebec voted on Nov. 2. In Montreal, which Scheffel noted has been home to some of this country’s most worrying incidents of antisemitism, and in some other communities, activists tried to make the Israeli-Palestinian conflict an election issue by asking candidates to sign a so-called “anti-apartheid pledge” and commit to cutting ties with the state of Israel.

The eventual winner of the election, Soraya Martinez Ferrada, Montreal’s new mayor, refused to sign the pledge and was accused by opponents of complicity in genocide. In addition to her victory, her party won a majority of seats on city council, after a campaign in which they pledged to take seriously law enforcement and public safety, including a crackdown on protesters that Scheffel said include extremist elements that make Montrealers unsafe.

“That was a vision that ultimately proved to be compelling and appealing to the largest number of Montrealers,” he said.

A few days earlier, on Oct. 20, Calgary also elected a new civic government.

The incumbent had declined to attend the annual menorah lighting ceremony at Calgary City Hall, claiming it was too pro-Israel and too political, said Scheffel, who lives in the city.

“She was rejected by 80% of voters,” he said. “She became the first mayor in 45 years in Calgary not to win a second term. That happened not because she didn’t show up to a menorah lighting or because she made every effort, frankly, to isolate the Jewish community at a time when the Jewish community needed support from elected leaders. She lost – and she lost in such a crushing fashion – because voters believed that she had failed to tackle the everyday quality-of-life, cost-of-living issues that are facing people here in Calgary.”

Jeromy Farkas, the new mayor, won narrowly, with the incumbent mayor placing third.

Scheffel made the case that none of these campaigns pivoted on issues of foreign affairs but were determined mostly by voters who wanted potholes filled and cities to run efficiently. He then made a case for engagement in the political process, noting that many of the elections turned on very small vote counts. Farkas, for example, won the Calgary mayor’s race by fewer than 400 votes after a recount.

CJPAC engages Jewish Canadians in the political process and encourages them to build strong relationships between the Jewish community and elected officials across parties, said Scheffel. Close races like some recent municipal elections, he said, underscore the impact an individual can have in the process by volunteering as little as two hours of their time to a campaign.

Be more solution-oriented

Leaders are simply people, of course. And all people have strengths and weaknesses. Just like the traditional approach to weaving Persian rugs with an intentional mistake, we must remember that only the Almighty is perfect.

But some leaders become lionized and celebrated, their human failings swept under the rug (sorry). However, we’re in a political moment where some leaders’ mistakes are all too obvious. No need to name anybody. Many fit this description. It’s upsetting and confusing to realize that even those chosen as “the best” or “brightest” fail sometimes. It’s a useful learning experience, too.

Awhile back, I was discussing politics online with other Canadians. I came upon something that stopped me cold. A poster criticized a political leader. I asked what she saw as solutions. The questions I asked were how, if she were in charge, she’d do things differently.

Her response surprised me. She said the only thing she could do was vote and complain. That, essentially, it was her right to find fault, but not her obligation to offer solutions. Her opinion was that she wasn’t passive because, well, she voted consistently and complained vociferously.

From a Jewish perspective, we have plenty of examples of whiners. Remember the Israelites, wandering in the desert, who wanted to go back to Egypt because they didn’t have meat, fish, onions, garlic, leeks or cantaloupes? (Numbers 11:4-5) It’s a normal response to crave foods when you’re unable to get them. As a high schooler studying abroad, I craved M&Ms so much that my mother brought them when she visited. They were superfluous, but I wanted them.

The opportunity to complain is always available, but it’s unattractive, especially if there’s something you can do to fix the problem yourself. Since that high school moment, I’ve lived many places where I’ve craved food but couldn’t buy it locally. As a result, I’ve become a more creative cook. When traveling, it’s good to “load up” on cravings if they’re available. Not to hoard, but just as an extra pleasure.

Worldwide political upheaval made me study the Babylonian Talmudic tractate of Horayot with more interest. It’s a small part of the Talmud but it’s about how people in charge (kings, high priests, judges, teachers, etc.) can make amends or do the right sacrifices or actions to atone for their mistakes. This text assumes that there will always be errors in judgment. People in certain important positions have societal roles to play, and that means their atonements to seek forgiveness for errors must be bigger sometimes than if they were private citizens.

This may sound irrelevant but consider the role of a teacher. Teachers make mistakes. The best resolution to this would be a public acknowledgement of the error and a demonstration of how to fix it. We might shrug and get on with things after a private math mistake. Yet, if a math teacher makes this error in front of the class, the best lesson is having a student find and correct the error. Then, the teacher can perform the act of learning from their error, thank the student, and acknowledge that no one is perfect.

In our lives, even if we are not teachers, parents, supervisors, or in any authority roles, it’s a great idea to try to practise this approach: to remember that no one is perfect and that it’s all our jobs to find solutions. As Rabbi Tarfon teaches, “that it’s not upon us to complete the work, but neither are we free to stop doing it.” (Pirkei Avot 2:16)

This sounds simple. But, in the tractate of Horayot, there’s a very powerful ending about how our pride and ego can get in the way. It’s about three rabbis and their leadership roles: Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel (Rashbag) was the leader of the Jewish community in the Galilee during the late second century, after the Bar Kochba Revolt; the head of the court was Rabbi Natan; and a great scholar at the time was Rabbi Meir.

Rashbag is upset with a lack of protocol in the Torah academy. He wants everyone to stand when he comes in until they’re told to be seated. Rashbag suggests that, for Rabbi Natan and Rabbi Meir, who he perceives as less important, those studying should rise when they enter, but students can sit down again right afterwards. Rabbis Meir and Natan try to put Rashbag to an intellectual test to prove that he isn’t above them, but Rashbag finds out in advance and bests them.

Rabbis Meir and Natan are expelled from the Torah academy and forced to study outside. However, the academy couldn’t continue without their expertise, so there was the ancient equivalent of paper airplane communication happening. The expelled rabbis would throw questions into the academy, students would try to answer. If the students couldn’t, they’d ask for more help.

Obviously, this was a bad way to learn. Rashbag was forced to readmit the scholars, but only with the proviso that their rulings couldn’t be under their own names. Essentially, the glory of Torah was more important than the glory of Torah scholars. This remained true for all except for Rashbag and his descendants, who insisted on maintaining their grudge and hereditary leadership and denying these two learned men their due.

Where does that lead us? Leaders are fallible. Each of us has the potential to uplift, lead and find solutions. When necessary, we need to stop being passive and lead more. Sometimes, that means trying to avoid big egos or coming up with creative responses to difficult problems. It can feel uncomfortable to raise our voices and act, if we’re used to letting others do the hard work. Also, we need allies to help make change. This means building connections with others, particularly outside the Jewish community.

The pressing example for the Canadian Jewish community is our political leaders’ refrain after antisemitic incidents: “This isn’t who we are as Canadians.” Well, in fact, it is who we are, as evidenced by the dramatic rise in hate crimes. We have leaders who aren’t acting to solve this problem. It’s getting worse. In response, we must step up and ask our allies to do so, too. Nobody’s perfect. People make mistakes. That said, we must hold leaders – and all those passive followers – to account if we expect to remain safe in Canada. It’s time to find solutions. Complaints alone don’t cut it.

Joanne Seiff has written regularly for the Winnipeg Free Press and various Jewish publications. She is the author of three books, including From the Outside In: Jewish Post Columns 2015-2016, a collection of essays available for digital download or as a paperback from Amazon. Check her out on Instagram @yrnspinner or at joanneseiff.blogspot.com.

טראמפ עוזר לנתניהו ונתניהו עוזר לטראמפ

במדינות מתוקנות מנהיגים כמו ראש ממשלת ישראל בנימין נתניהו, ונשיא ארצות הברית דונלד טראמפ, היו יושבים בכלא כבר מזמן. אך כיום לצערנו ישראל וארה”ב כבר מזמן לא מדינות מתוקנות, הדמוקרטיה בהן חלשה ומחולשת מדי יום. והציבור או שאינו מבין את חומרת המצב או שלא אכפת לו. מכל מקום: הנזק שגורמים נתניהו וטראמפ למדינותיהם הוא קבוע ובר קיימה ולא יתוקן גם לאחר שהם יעלמו מהמפה הפולטית. יקח מספר דורות אם בכלל להחזיר את המצב לקדומו

בביקורו השלישי בחודשים האחרונים של נתניהו בבית הלבן, נראה המנהיג הישראלי זורח כאילו זכה בפייס. הרי בישראל נתניהו כבר אינו מקובל, ורבים מבינים עד כמה הוא הזיק ומזיק למדינה. אך בבית הלבן כשטראמפ לצידו, מרגיש נתניהו ממש כמו בבית. הרי מה אפכת לו שהוא האחראי הראשי למחדלי השבעה באוקטובר, שחטופים נהרגו כיוון שהוא סירב להגיע להסכמות עם החאמס, ושחיילים רבים כמו פלסטינים רבים נהרגים כמעט כל יום לחינם בעזה

נתניהו המושחת לא התבייש להציע שחברו האמריקני המושחת יקבל את פרס נובל לשלום. עבור מה? עבור הצלחתו להפסיק את המלחמה בין רוסיה לאוקראיינה? האם הצליח טראמפ להביא שלום בין ישראל לאיראן, או בין ישראל לפלסטינים, או בין ישראל לחמאס, או בין ישראל לסוריה, או בין ישראל לערב הסעודית, או בין ישראל ללבנון

אך כאשר שני מנהיגים מושחתחים נפגשים, כל אחד רוחץ את גבו של השני ויש הרבה מה לרחוץ שם. לכן טראמפ לא התבייש לקרוא למערכת המשפט בישראל להפסיק את משפטו של נתניהו. איזה מעמד יש לנשיא ארה”ב שהוא יכול בכלל לצאת בדרישה שכזו

ועל התערבות טראמפ במערכת המשפט בישראל כותב פרופסור אמנון סלע:
אינני קורא מתמיד של ישראל היום. לכן מזמן לא קראתי כתבה של אמנון לורד. כבר לפני שנים רבות הוא הסתמן כאיום כעיתונאי של ה-דיפ-סטייט, מתלהם, לא מדוד. בכתבה החדשה של רבעי אמיתות וחצאי שקרים, הבנתי את גודל החרפה בהתערבותו החצופה של טראמפ במערכת המשפט. נצחון הבורות השמרנית התאפשר, בין השאר בשל התערבות האוונגליסטים ושאר עובדי הדת. מיד יצא הקבינט המטורלל נגד הדמוקרטיה, ומה שנשאר, תוך עשרים וארבע שעות הוא ליבה את המלחמה בין רוסיה לאוקראינה. בהבל-פה הוא סיפח את קנדה וגרנלנד. והסיר מיסים משכבת המיליונרים שהשמינה

בשניה הפכה אמריקה לגדולה כשמפרץ מכסיקו הפך למפרץ אמריקה. באצילות אופיינית לימין לורד תקף את הנשיא ביידן. באותו שאר-רוח שביבי תקף את אובמה. את תמיכת שתי המפלגות ביבי ולורד השליכו הימה לאחר הליך הרס שיטתי של מערכת המשפט האמריקנית, עם נגיחות בקונסטיטוציה. נפנה הנשיא האמריקני הידיד (לפעמים) לנפץ את מערכת המשפט בישראל. זה הנשיא שעסק בפרוסטיטוציה תחת שמי אותו אל. לפני שבע שנים בעצת ביבי ידידו הוא סייע לאיראן להעשיר אורניום. בעצת ביבי ידידו הוא יצא למלחמה נגד אותו איום, ולא הואילו אזהרות הפנטגון והסי.אי.איי, נגד סמכות הקונגרס, אותו קונגרס שתקפו תומכיו, בליווי תפילות דרעי בעל הנס הטרמפיזם מטמא את העולם. נכון, לא לדעת כולם

ועל התנהלות ממשלת ישראל הפוגעת בשלטון החוק אומר איש הצבא הבכיר לשעבר בני ברבש: מחובתנו להציב מול הבריונות השלטונית אמצעי הרתעה יעילים ולמתוח קו עצירה שממנו לא נסוגים. מחיקת עברו והוויתו של כל אדם, יהיה זה אלוף, טוראי או סתם אזרח שלא בא לשלטון טוב בעיניים, היא פרקטיקה מוכרת וידועה של המשטרים האפלים ביותר במאה העשרים, שמפני אחד מהם הזהיר יאיר גולן עצמו. מחר תחליט הממשלה לשלול את תאריו האקדמיים של מדען מזהיר ומחרתיים היא תפקיע משופט עליון את משרתו כי פסיקתו לא תישא חן בעיניהם

Will you help or hide?

Bema Productions’ The Last Yiddish Speaker cast, director and crew: standing, left to right, Tess Nolan, Kevin McKendrick, Andrea Eggenberger, Nolan McConnell-Fidyk and Ian Case; seated, Siobhan Davies, left, and Zelda Dean. The play imagines a world in which the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol in Washington, DC, was successful and Christian nationalists have taken over the United States. (photo by Peter Nadler)

Victoria’s Bema Productions is staging the international premiere of Deborah Laufer’s The Last Yiddish Speaker at Congregation Emanu-El’s Black Box Theatre June 18-29.

The drama imagines a dystopian world in which the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol in Washington, DC, was successful and Christian nationalists have taken over the United States. In the play, a Jewish father and daughter must be careful and cunning, as any deviation from the norm could be deadly. When an aged Yiddish-speaking woman lands on their doorstep, they must decide whether to take the risk of helping the woman or focus on saving themselves.

Laufer has numerous full-length plays to her credit, as well as dozens of short plays and even musicals (written with composer Daniel Green). Her plays have been produced around the world and she has been recognized with numerous awards.

While The Last Yiddish Speaker focuses on Judaism and the right for Jews to exist, the play could be about any marginalized group, in any country.

“Although the play is set in the USA, the theme is universal: the struggle of good over evil,” Zelda Dean, founder and managing artistic director of Bema, told the Independent. “In this play, Canada is still a safe place for Jews.”

That said, it has a message for Canadian audiences, as well, Dean said. “It is very important that we address social and political issues, particularly with the huge increase in antisemitism in Canada. The play is entertaining, engaging and enlightening. It takes place in 2029, when the fascists have taken over the USA. It is timely and powerful.”

Directed by Kevin McKendrick, The Last Yiddish Speaker features Ian Case, Siobhan Davies, Nolan McConnell-Fidyk and Dean.

McKendrick is an award-winning director, notably being recognized by the Alberta Theatre Projects for significant contributions to theatre in Calgary. Case, a veteran stage actor on Vancouver Island, is also a director and arts advocate. Davies, meanwhile, is a stage and cinematic performer – she will be appearing in the upcoming film Allure, shot in Victoria. McConnell-Fidyk is a local actor who appeared in Survivors, a play aimed at spreading information about the Holocaust to audiences from Grade 6 and up. (See jewishindependent.ca/theatre-that-educates and jewishindependent.ca/survivors-play-brings-tears.)

Before the November 2024 presidential elections, Laufer told Philadelphia public radio station WHYY about her reasons for writing the play, including that she was deeply disturbed by the events of Jan. 6. “I thought, ‘Is this the end? Is our democracy completely ended?’” she said.

“The play reminds us there are times in history when we have the choice to speak out against oppression or choose to remain silent. You get the government you deserve,” McKendrick told the Independent. “How will you respond when faced with outright injustice?”

Tickets for The Last Yiddish Speaker can be purchased at ticketowl.io/lastyiddishspeaker.

Sam Margolis has written for the Globe and Mail, the National Post, UPI and MSNBC.

Get involved to change

In the closing days of the recent federal election campaign, CBC’s flagship news program, The National, found it newsworthy enough to run a segment about how many Canadian Jews were supporting the Conservative party, many for the first time. Concerned about the security of Israel and of Jewish communities here in Canada, these voters were attracted by the Conservative party’s pro-Israel expressions and concern for Jewish security domestically.

From this news report, and anecdotally, we know that among those first-time Conservative voters were traditional Liberal and New Democratic party supporters. Canadian Jews have generally leaned more progressive than the general population and, in the 20th century, were far more associated with the Liberal party. This election, however, there was a large number of Jews who made the choice to prioritize the security of our community and support for Israel above some of the other things that might generally determine their ballot choices. This is understandable – but it should never have come to this.

Traditionally, in the United States and Canada, there was a multi-partisan consensus that Israel has a right to exist and defend itself. More than this, certainly, Canada’s very identity is founded on the idea that cultural communities feel welcomed and included. But both of these assumptions have frayed, and Jewish voters responded to this changed reality.

The New Democratic and Green parties contain individuals who are highly critical of Israel, including many even high-profile candidates who contest the country’s very right to exist. It is not a surprise that Jews would perceive this opposition to Jewish self-determination in Israel as indifference to the security of Jewish people everywhere.

Meanwhile, as the Conservative party has become even more entrenched as a pro-Israel party, the Liberal party has taken a range of sometimes contradictory positions.

On social media and in a flurry of emails throughout the election campaign, Jewish community members at times accused the Liberal party of being irredeemably antisemitic. But middle-of-the-road political parties tend to be big-tent affairs and this creates tensions. Within the Liberal party, both its parliamentary caucus and its grassroots membership, there are pro-Israel and anti-Israel voices, as well as, we would venture to guess, a large number of people who wish this no-win issue would just go away.

It should never be the responsibility of a Canadian cultural community to beg, plead or lobby for respect for their personal and collective security. Any party that aspires to government should guarantee this as a matter of course. Even so, a political party is, in the end, nothing more than the people who make it up.

Admittedly, our parliamentary system and traditions place a great deal of authority in the prime minister’s office, with power trickling down to cabinet ministers, caucus members, party officers, activists and eventually to grassroots members. Without being too idealistic or delusional about the ability to alter the trajectory of a large ship, the most effective way to influence a party’s policy is still to get involved in it.

It is sometimes said that, if you don’t vote, you can’t complain about the government. This is facile and simply untrue – everyone, in a democracy, is free to both skip the election and kvetch about the outcome. The point, though, is that, small-l liberal Canadian Jews who cast a vote that didn’t align with their values except on Israel and Jewish security might solve their ideological dissonance by getting involved in the party that best represents them on issues other than Israel and Jewish security. If they were able to drag those parties back into a multi-partisan consensus around Israel’s right to defend itself and about the full inclusion of Jews in Canadian multiculturalism, they might not be forced to make such a difficult ballot choice in future elections.

We are all busy. Asking people to take time out to attend often-dull local meetings of federal political parties is kind of a big ask. But those people who felt a moral tug at being “forced” to vote against their social and economic views have an opportunity and a challenge – as does anyone who seeks to influence a party’s policy, either to change it or to support it.

If Jews have been made to feel unwelcome in some political parties, that is the fault of the parties themselves and it is victim-blaming to suggest that a lack of Jewish engagement justifies policies that isolate Jews. Still, changing, or supporting, parties’ policies will be best achieved by more Jews and allies engaging at the grassroots level. If successful, Jews will be able to vote their consciences knowing that their security as Jewish citizens of Canada – and our country’s commitment to the security of the state of Israel – is safe no matter which party wins.

Jewish MPs headed to Parliament

Tamara Kronis was elected in the Vancouver Island riding of Nanaimo-Ladysmith. (photo from rossmcbride.com)

Conservative candidate Tamara Kronis was elected in the Vancouver Island riding of Nanaimo-Ladysmith, making her one of a small number of Jewish members of the new Parliament following the April 28 federal election.

With just over 35% of the vote on her second try for the riding, Kronis defeated second-place Liberal Michelle Corfield by about 5,500 votes. Incumbent New Democrat Lisa Marie Barron came third, ahead of Green party candidate and former MP Paul Manly, who Barron defeated in 2021. It was a rare – possibly unique – four-way rematch.

The Kronis campaign did not make the candidate available to the Independent during the campaign, saying she was focused on local voters and, by press time for this issue, had not responded to a request for an interview.

In Richmond East-Steveston, community member and Conservative candidate Zach Segal lost narrowly to Liberal incumbent Parm Bains.

In Vancouver Centre, the high profile of New Democrat Avi Lewis did not translate into victory as he took less than 13% of the votes while Liberal Hedy Fry won her 11th consecutive victory in the downtown riding.

In Vancouver Quadra, a district with a comparatively sizeable Jewish community, Liberal Wade Grant swept into office with 63% of the vote over second-place Conservative Ken Charko.

Across the country, several Jewish incumbents were returned to office. In Manitoba, Liberal Ben Carr, in Winnipeg South Centre, took more than 63% of votes cast there.

New Democrat Leah Gazan, in Winnipeg Centre, won with about 40% of the vote, holding her party’s only remaining seat in the province – and one of only seven ridings for the NDP in the country. The Canadian Jewish News reports that Gazan is the daughter of a Dutch Holocaust survivor and a Chinese and Indigenous mother.

Also in Manitoba, Conservative incumbent Marty Morantz, who spoke out about antisemitism on the campaign, lost his bid for reelection in Winnipeg West.

In Ontario, the Conservative party’s deputy leader Melissa Lantsman swept the riding of Thornhill with 66% of the votes.

Anthony Housefather, the incumbent Liberal MP for the Quebec riding of Mount Royal, who had publicly considered abandoning the party over the government’s position toward Israel, won just over half the votes in the traditional Liberal stronghold after a concerted effort by the Conservatives to topple him.

It’s important to vote

You may have received anxious emails or other messages from friends in the last few days. Throughout the community, there is concern about a Vote Palestine campaign for Monday’s federal election. Emails and social media posts are flying.

However wrongheaded you may think this advocacy campaign is, its proponents are doing exactly what they should be doing during an election campaign. They are highlighting the issues that are important to them and encouraging others to support them. You may disagree with the approach and policies, but there is nothing fundamentally different in what they are doing from what plenty of Jews and community organizations are doing right now.

The Vote Palestine campaign is an initiative of several groups of usual suspects, including Independent Jewish Voices and other anti-Israel groups. The platform, which federal election candidates can choose to endorse, calls for a two-way arms embargo on Israel; ending Canadian support for settlements (whatever that means); combating anti-Palestinian racism and protecting pro-Palestine speech; recognizing the state of Palestine; and funding Gaza relief efforts, including through UNRWA, the controversial UN body that has been at the centre of this conflict for almost 80 years.

By press time, 124 New Democrats, 44 Greens and 13 Liberals had endorsed this platform. Given that there are 343 electoral districts in the country and the three largest parties are running candidates in almost every seat, the number of endorsers should be, frankly, a bit of an embarrassment for the campaign’s organizers. Almost all the endorsers are candidates for the New Democratic and Green parties. Of the Liberals who have signed on, just one is in British Columbia: West Vancouver-Sunshine Coast-Sea to Sky Country incumbent MP Patrick Weiler.

Most of the candidates who have endorsed the campaign and its platform are unlikely to be elected. That, though, is largely beside the point. The issue, we believe, is not the Vote Palestine campaign, but our community’s overwrought reaction. It is a symptom of a particular sort of impulse that seems to believe people do not have a right to raise issues in an election campaign in the manner that the Vote Palestine organizers are doing.

Though they may not have come across your social media feeds or in other ways to capture your attention, there are probably scores of organizations right now campaigning for or against policies that are important to you. Many organizations are encouraging Canadians to vote based on candidates’ positions on such things as the climate crisis, taxes, housing, and the cost-of-living. Agree or disagree with the positions, many of these campaigns fulfil an important civic purpose, assuming they comply with our country’s election laws around third-party advocacy spending.

The next time you receive an email or catch wind of some sort of advocacy campaign that you disagree with, here is how you should respond: take the anger and energy that you would otherwise direct into sharing your outrage with your friends and family and redirect it instead to something positive, a result you desire and hope to achieve.

Here are a few ideas …

Find out which of your local candidates share your values on the issues most important to you. If you find one that suits you, express your support. Get a lawn sign to let your neighbours know who you support. Donate to their campaign.

Offer to volunteer – it’s not too late! Election day is the most intense time in a campaign. You can drive voters to the polls or otherwise help your preferred candidate. (Check out cjpac.ca for more info.)

Ensure that friends and family go out to vote. Contact them over the weekend to make sure they plan to cast a ballot.

On Monday, message or telephone everyone you know who agrees with you on the issues most important to you and make sure they have voted. Suggest they block out at least an hour or maybe two or even three – advance voting statistics tell us Canadians are deeply engaged this election, so high turnout is expected. Prepare for lineups. Bring water and snacks for yourself and your neighbours in line.

Check the voting card you received in the mail to confirm your polling place so you know where to go on election day. If you did not receive a card in the mail, go to elections.ca right now and ensure you are registered to vote.

Democracy is threatened in countless places around the world. Voting is a right and a privilege we should never take for granted.

Meanwhile, as we know from the flurry of messages making their way around the community in the past few days, people who may disagree with you are planning to vote. They are organized and ready to mobilize. The most important thing you can do in response is to make the trek to your polling place and mark a single X on a ballot.

Candidates share views

Parm Bains, incumbent MP and Liberal candidate in Richmond East-Steveston, and his Conservative opponent, Zach Segal, spoke at Beth Tikvah April 15. (photo by Alan Marchant)

Liberal and Conservative candidates made their pitches to the Jewish community in a candidates’ forum at Beth Tikvah Congregation April 15.

Parm Bains, incumbent member of Parliament and Liberal candidate in the riding of Richmond East-Steveston, and his Conservative opponent, Zach Segal, who hopes to unseat Bains as MP on April 28, shared their visions, and those of their parties, to a crowded sanctuary at the Richmond synagogue.

Both candidates spoke of their lifelong roots in Richmond.

Bains explained that his engagement with at-risk youth and combating gang violence first emerged through coaching sports. He became a community liaison for the provincial government under premiers Gordon Campbell and Christy Clark.

Segal worked in Ottawa during the Stephen Harper administration for the ministers of defence and transportation. He credited the former Conservative government for making Canada a “moral compass in the world.” However, he suggested that Jewish Canadians are wondering if there is a better tomorrow in Canada, not just because of rising antisemitism, but because of challenges around housing, affordability and community safety.

On the issue of antisemitism, Bains pointed to his Liberal colleague Anthony Housefather, who is the government’s special advisor on Jewish community relations and antisemitism, and urged members of the community to ensure authorities are made aware of every incident of antisemitic bias and hate.

“You have to report it,” Bains said. “If it’s reported, it’s a data point that we can take action on.”

Both candidates spoke of the challenges in enforcing existing anti-hate laws.

Bains said it is crucial that police understand the definition of hate crimes and that they are educated to enforce the laws as they stand.

Segal condemned an “explosive rise in antisemitism” and credited it in part to “a horrible lack of moral leadership.” The intimidation of Jewish people and the employment of incendiary language has been tolerated by federal leaders and others on the basis of free expression, he argued.

“This is hate speech,” Segal said. “This is inciting hate and it is illegal.”

Police have said they don’t have the support to go after perpetrators, said Segal, adding that funding to increase security at Jewish institutions, for example, is a Band-Aid solution that deals with the symptoms and not the causes. He said that his party’s leader, Pierre Poilievre, has been “rock solid” in condemning hate rallies and marches. He said that a Conservative government would “close loopholes” that allow hateful events like the annual Al-Quds Day rally in Toronto to continue unchecked.

Existing laws need to be enforced, said Bains, and he suggested there is a need to understand why police are not calling for charges and Crown prosecutors are not pursuing them.

“Why is there a reluctance?” Bains asked. “Where does that leadership need to come from?”

Canada has seen some of the “most obscene” anti-Israel activism of any Western democracy, Segal asserted, citing Charlotte Kates, who was arrested in November, and her Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network, which had been declared a terrorist entity shortly before her arrest, “years after Jewish and other community leaders sounded the alarm on them,” Segal said.

Segal also took exception to the fact that Canada instituted a military embargo on Israel before it recognized the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization.

“We were literally being tougher on Israel than Iran,” he said.

Bains said Israel has a right to defend itself and the hostages need to be freed. Canadians, however, want to play a role as “honest broker” and in peacekeeping. “Right now, Canadians want to see the violence stop, the bloodshed stop,” he said.

Segal condemned the Liberal government for resuming funding for UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency that functions as a quasi-governmental body in the Palestinian territories, some employees of which participated in the Oct. 7 pogroms.

“That is out of step with our allies in the Western world,” Segal said. Where the Harper Conservative government voted against one-sided resolutions of the United Nations, under the Liberals, said Segal, Canada has again begun supporting demonizing resolutions against Israel.

Both candidates called for more affordable housing, supports for seniors and economic opportunities for young people.

The candidates asked to speak were selected based on independent polling information which showed the Liberals and Conservatives to be the two parties leading or competing in both Richmond ridings. The Beth Tikvah Community Awareness Committee, which sponsored the event with support from the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs and the Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee, chose to give those candidates likely to form government or be in the official opposition the opportunity to address the issues.

Rabbi Susan Tendler opened the event with reflections on reconciliation and noted the significance of the event taking place during Passover, the celebration of freedom, while Jews remain captive in Gaza.

הדמוקרטיה בישראל נחלשת בזמן שהציבור אדיש

הדמוקרטיה בישראל הולכת ונחלשת וראש הממשלה הכוחני שחושב רק על טובתו מנצל את המצב, בזמן שהציבור הרחב נשאר אדיש. כך דמוקרטיות מוחלפות בדיקטטורות ותופעה מדאיגה זו הולכת וצוברת תאוצה

ראש הממשלה המושחת, בנימין נתניהו, מחזיק במושכות השלטון כבר שבעה עשרה שנים והוא לא חושב לפרוש. הוא מנהל את המדינה ביד רמה, עושה כרצונו ומחליף את אלה שמתנגדים לו בנאמנים חלשי אופי שיסורו למרותו. נתניהו התעשר על חשבון ישראל ולמרות שכיסיו נפוחים הוא לא חושב בכלל לפרוש. יש המאמינים שבבחירות המתוכנות בישראל בסוף השנה הבאה, נתניהו יובס ויעלם מהמפה. אך לא בטוח כלל שזה יקרה כאשר האופוזיציה בישראל היא כה חלשה ולא רלוונטית. מתנגדי נתניהו האמינו שהוא יעלם לאחר אירועי השבעה באוקטובר וזה לא קרה. לאחר מכן הם חשבו שעד סוף שנה שעברה, ממשלת נתניהו תיפול וגם זה לא קרה. הנוכל נתניהו עושה כל הזמן מאמצים עיליים להמשיך להחזיק במושכות השלטון, תוך שהוא מרפד את מקורביו. אצל נתניהו רשימת האחראים לכישלון הנוראי של השעבה באוקטובר היא גדולה וכוללת את ראשי הצבא ומערכת הביטחון, אך לא אותו. כרגיל כמו בכל שנות שלטונו נתניהו מעולם לא לקח אחריות על מעשיו ומחדלים הרבים. הוא זה שטיפח את החמאס בכסף גדול שהגיע קטאר, ולא מן הנמנע שגם הוא קיבל כמה מזוודות של כסף לחשבונותיו בחו”ל. בטימטומו כי רב במקום לחזק את הרשות הפלסטינית ולהחליש את החמאס נתניהו עשה את הבחירה הלא נכונה

לנתניהו יש עדת מעריצים לא קטנה שיעשו הכל כדי שימשיך להישאר על כיסא המלך. זה בכלל לא מעניין אותם שהוא מושחת, שהוא אחראי הראשי לכישלון הביטחוני הגדול ביותר בתולדות ישראל, ושהוא אחראי על פירוק ופילוג החברה בישראל ועוד ועוד. אצל תומכי נתניהו התהליכים המשפטיים נגדו אינם חוקיים והם מנוהלים על ידי גורמים המתנגדים לו. זה הרי לא חדש שעבריינים לא יקחו אחריות על מעשיהם ויאשימו את מערכת המשפט בחוסר צדק. כך גם אצל נתניהו ואנשיו

מכר מהעבר ציין בפני נתניהו ניהל את המלחמה מאז השבעה באוקטובר בהצלחה מרובה ומגיע לו ציון לשבח על כך. אני לא זוכר שבישראל מישהו ציין את הצלחתה של ראש הממשלה, גולדה מאיר, לנהל את המלחמה אחרי השישה באוקטובר בה נפתחה מלחמת יום כיפור, לאחר האחריות הגדולה שלה לכישלון ההוא, שהוא מתגמד לעומת הכישלון של נתניהו בשבעה באוקטובר. מאיר חשבה אפילו להתאבד לאחר פריצת מלחמת יום כיפור אך זה לא יקרה אצל נתניהו, כי הרי מי שלא לקח מעולם אחריות על מחדליו הרבים ישן בשקט גם לאחר השבעה באוקטובר

אותו מכר מצא גם במדויק את האשם האחראי למחדל השבעה באוקטובר. אצלו כמובן זה לא נתניהו אלה “אלוהים שהעניש אותנו”. דברי שטות הבל אלו מוכיחים עד כמה בישראל של היום לא מנסים להוריד את נתניהו, אלה דווקא מנסים לחזק אותו

כאמור הדמוקרטיה בישראל הולכת ונחלשת וזה לא טעות, אלה מעשה מכוון על ידי נתניהו ואנשיו. אך ראוי לציין כי באותו זמן מרבית הציבור הישראלי נשאר אדיש, לא יוצא לרחובות ולא עושה מספיק כדי להיפטר מנתניהו הנוכל

האופוזיציה בישראל חלשה בצורה מבישה ולא נמצאים מנהיגים רציניים שיכולים לאיים על הכוחנות של נתניהו. באם הציבור בישראל לא יתעשת במהרה ויפעל בכל דרך להחליף את נתניהו, ישראל תמשיך בשקיעתה אל מחוזות גרועים מאוד

The fight for democracy

The following remarks were delivered at the Israel hostages rally at Vancouver Art Gallery on Sept. 15, which is also the International Day of Democracy.

In recognition of the International Day of Democracy, I will talk about how antisemitism is harming and potentially destroying democracy. This talk will be based mainly on a report by Amy Spitalnick, just published in the United States. Fair warning, this talk will be heavy, but, in my view, important to understand.

Antisemitism is a form of religious, racial and ethnic prejudice against Jews. But, unlike other such prejudices, antisemitism also operates as a conspiracy theory that lies about Jewish power and influence. And, because it functions as a conspiracy theory, antisemitism poses a threat far beyond the Jewish community. It fuels other forms of hate and extremism, including against other communities and against democratic institutions that are depicted as pawns of Jewish control.

Antisemitism – like other conspiracy theories – increases at times of social or political anxiety, as people look for a source to blame for what’s wrong with society and with their lives.

Enemies of democracy, such as Iran and Russia, use antisemitism to undermine trust in democracies and make them seem like failed states. The “conspiracy myth” that Jews control certain sectors of society, such as banks, media or elections, is the cornerstone of antisemitism, and anyone who accepts this myth loses faith in democracy. If Jews control elections, judges and finance, people say to themselves, how can I, as a non-Jew, live up to my potential? My failings are caused by evil forces beyond my control.

Casting Jews as all-powerful naturally fuels hatred of Jews. But it also explains what extremists believe – that other communities, like People of Colour, non-Christians, LGBTQ+, are incapable of success except through unfair or illegal ways. And so, belief in this powerful Jewish control group causes distrust in democratic institutions and values.

When neo-Nazis came to Charlottesville, Va., in 2017, they chanted “Jews will not replace us,” showing that they believed in the “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory. Once hidden in the dark corners of the internet, this conspiracy theory says that there is a deliberate Jewish effort to replace the white population with immigrants and People of Colour. This conspiracy theory has directly inspired many mass killings targeting not only Jewish people (Pittsburgh and Poway), but also Hispanic people (El Paso), Black people (Buffalo), Muslims (New Zealand and London, Ont.) and other communities.

Versions of this conspiracy theory have become increasingly mainstreamed, courtesy of influencers, elected officials, candidates and foreign powers in our social media. They use it to advance their own political goals – and, at the same time, they embolden violent extremists. In the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the US Congress, when many insurrectionists carried white supremacist symbols in their efforts to overturn the 2020 US election results, they included false claims of undocumented immigrants stealing the election. Only recently, we heard in the presidential debate about immigrants eating their neighbours’ pets from a man who wants to be president.

Recent polling shows that belief in conspiracy theories is among the best predictors of antisemitism. And a recent US survey found that highly antisemitic Americans are significantly more likely to support political violence and other forms of anti-democratic extremism. So, what to do?

First of all, we need to fight like hell! We need to call out conspiracy theories against Jews and any other identifiable group every time we encounter them. We need to educate ourselves about what antisemitism means by knowing the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition and its examples, and we must call out antisemitism and other forms or racism when we see it.

We should fight against antisemitism but also against all other forms of racism, including Islamophobia, misogyny, sexual-preference bigotry and other forms of hate and violence; and we should work to advance inclusive, multi-ethnic democracy. The safety and fates of all minority communities and, eventually, all supporters of democracy, are bound together. Jews historically thrive in free, democratic states, and don’t do so well in autocracies, even if autocratic rule might at first seem attractive.

I know this won’t be easy. Many Jews, including me, have felt abandoned and isolated by those who have remained conspicuously silent, or worse, fallen for anti-Israel and antisemitic lies. This crisis since Oct. 7 exposed the lack of understanding of antisemitism in so many parts of society, including how antisemitism is present in conversations related to Israel. Fundamentally, there is a lack of recognition that Jewish safety, including in Israel, is deeply linked to the safety of all communities in all democracies. We need to change that.

But, while we need to work tirelessly to save ourselves and combat antisemitism, we alone, without allies, cannot stop antisemitism. We need to recognize that antisemitism is one part, granted a big part, of the assault on democracy that affects everyone.

If we accept what we need to do as I’ve outlined today, it means having open and difficult conversations with others who think they can save democracy without fighting antisemitism. We need to show them that they are wrong. Let’s start today.

Bernard Pinsky, KC, is chair of the Ronald S. Roadburg Foundation.