Melancholic adaptation

Natalie Portman in a scene from the film A Tale of Love and Darkness. (photo by Ran Mendelson/Focus Features via houstonchronicle.com)

A Tale of Love and Darkness may seem like a nondescript and even coyly evasive title, but in fact it expresses the essence of Natalie Portman’s textured film of Amos Oz’s book.

An unfailingly sensitive though necessarily compressed adaptation of Oz’s acclaimed 2004 memoir, the movie portrays Oz’s nurturing yet fraught childhood with his immigrant parents in Jerusalem in the years just before and after the declaration of the state of Israel.

In the film, Amos possesses both character and potential, but there are rocks in the path of every promising child. Almost every frame of A Tale of Love and Darkness is imbued with a brooding, ominous tension that derives in various measure from Old Country suffering, the nascent nation’s Holocaust trauma and Amos’ mother’s depression.

Shot in a hard-edged, anti-nostalgic palette of black and green, the story unfolds in a constrained world where both the past and the future exert immense weight on the present. That said, Portman infuses her richly engrossing feature directorial debut with welcome dashes of poetry and humor.

Amos (Amir Tessler) is an exceedingly smart and empathetic child, instilled with a love of books and words by his academic father Arieh (Gilad Kahana) and an appreciation for the allusive power of fables by his quietly adoring mother Fania (Portman).

Because the viewer (likely) knows that Amos will grow up to be a great writer, we immediately presume that Arieh is his primary influence. In one of the film’s most rewarding turns, we come to realize that Amos received the gift for storytelling from his mother.

Amos doesn’t make that connection either, until much later. Even an observant child can’t recognize or understand the import of most events as they happen, whether they are as familiar as his paternal grandmother’s perennial disapproval of Fania or as dangerous as foraging for empty bottles on the outskirts of Jerusalem during the War of Independence.

Although Fania, Arieh and Amos are tightly connected, they also inhabit private universes. Arieh is subsumed by his goal of being a popular scholarly author, first reveling in the publication of his esoteric debut and gradually frustrated by the reality of his modest place in the world.

Fania’s inner life is deeply mysterious, with dark memories of her youth in Poland alternating with curious dreams, or fantasies. She has a recurring vision of a hunky, sandy-haired kibbutznik, a “new Jew” and the diametric opposite of her husband, who is a spiritual descendant of the yeshivah bochers of the shtetl.

Amos, who was born in Jerusalem – as was Portman, more than four decades later – tries to make sense of everything, from the late-night United Nations vote for the partition of Palestine and the creation of Israel, to the Neanderthal schoolyard bullies who take his sandwich, to his mother’s catatonic fugues.

The film’s guiding light, Amos navigates this terrain with uncommon aplomb and resourcefulness. The impact of A Tale of Love and Darkness, though, is in its evocation of the currents of memory, sorrow, dread and pride that swirl through Jerusalem’s streets.

The elderly Amos (voiced by Moni Moshonov), a welcome albeit melancholy presence, provides occasional, wise narration about his city, as well as his parents.

“Jerusalem,” he muses at one point, “is a black widow who devours her lovers while they are still inside her.”

It’s a metaphor, yes, but it could be a synopsis for a parable that Fania might tell Amos. Ultimately, A Tale of Love and Darkness is about the power – and the limits – of stories to change our lives.

A Tale of Love and Darkness (in Hebrew with English subtitles) opened last week at Fifth Avenue Cinemas.

Michael Fox is a writer and film critic living in San Francisco.

Two CJPAC programs

CJPAC is a national, independent, multi-partisan organization with a mandate to engage Jewish and pro-Israel Canadians in the democratic process and to foster active political participation. Among its programs are two aimed at younger community members, for which it is now accepting applications.

The CJPAC Fellowship is an intensive, yearlong program that provides university students with the tools to engage further in Canada’s democracy. It trains 45 of the top pro-Israel, politically engaged university students to become part of the country’s next generation of leaders, and provides the opportunity for fellows to enhance their understanding of all levels of government in the Canadian political system.

The program includes an exclusive national conference in Ottawa, where fellows meet with members of Parliament, senior political strategists and receive advanced campaign training. The conference will take place this year from Nov. 16 to Nov. 20, and attendance is required.

CJPAC welcomes applicants from Jewish and non-Jewish communities, all political parties and every region of Canada. All fellows must be pro-Israel and demonstrate a strong interest and experience in Canadian politics. Applicants must meet the following criteria:

  1. Be enrolled full time in an undergraduate or graduate program at a post-secondary institution for both semesters of the 2015-2016 academic year.
  2. Be Canadian citizen or permanent resident; unfortunately, CJPAC cannot accept exchange students.
  3. Be available to attend all five days of the national conference in Ottawa; no exceptions.
  4. Applicants cannot be employed in a political position at the federal or provincial level for more than four hours per week; unpaid volunteers in these offices will be considered.

The deadline to submit applications for the fellowship to cjpac.ca/cjpac-fellowship-program-application-2016-2017 is Sept. 30, 2016.

The CJPAC Generation program is designed to provide a select group of young, motivated and passionate high school students with the opportunity to become more politically involved.

Participants will gather with other students throughout the school year and meet with a variety of speakers. They will engage in discussions that will enhance their political knowledge and help cultivate their political opinions. They will make connections and expand their peer and professional networks – in turn, bolstering the voice of the Jewish community in Canada. The program culminates with a trip to Ottawa, where they will continue their engagement in the political process by meeting with elected officials and political staff.

Applicants must be Jewish high school students in grades 10-12, have an interest in politics and the Canadian political process and a commitment to attending monthly sessions, beginning in November 2016, and a trip to Ottawa in May 2017. Applications for the Generation program are due to cjpac.ca/cjpac-generation-student-leaders-program-application-2016-2017 by Oct. 14, 2016.

עליבאבא מגיעה לקנדה

ראש ממשלת קנדה, ג’סטין טרודו, הצליח להביא לקנדה מסין מספר בשורות עסקיות משמעותית, בביקורו המתקושר שם. (צילום: pm.gc.ca)

עליבאבא מגיעה לקנדה: הענקית הסינית תקים מרכז טכנולוגי שיאפשר לחברות הקנדיות נגישות לסין

ראש ממשלת קנדה, ג’סטין טרודו, הצליח להביא לקנדה מסין מספר בשורות עסקיות משמעותית, בביקורו המתקושר שם. טרודו והבעלים של קבוצת עליבאבא הסינית, ג’ק מא, הגיעו בסוף השבוע להסכם להקמת מרכז טכנולוגי גדול בקנדה. המרכז של עליבאבא יאפשר לחברות הקנדיות נגישות טובה ומהירה יותר לשוק הסיני הענקי. בפועל יאפשר הפרוייקט החדש לחברות קנדיות קשר עם כארבע מאות מיליון צרכנים סינים, ובמקביל יאפשר לסינים למצוא מוצרים קנדיים. לדברי טרודו שיתוף הפעולה בין עליבאבא לקנדה צפוי לקדם גם תיירות מסין לקנדה.

קבוצת עליבאבא למסחר אלקטרוני הוקמה של ידי מא ב-1996. הקבוצה מספקת שירותי תשלום מקוון, פורטלים בין חברות, פורטלי חיפוש ושירותי מיחשוב ענן. כשמונים אחוז מהקניות המקוונות בסין מתבצעות בעיקר על ידי עליבאבא. ב-2005 רכשה יאהו שלושים ותשעה אחוז ממניות עליבאבא תמורת מיליארד דולר. בחודש ספטמבר 2014 ביצעה עליבאבא את את ההנפקה הראשונה, שנחשבת לגדולה ביותר בהיסטוריה של הבורסה לניירות ערך בניו יורק. הקבוצה הצליחה לגייס לא פחות מעשרים וחמישה מיליארד דולר. מייד לאחר ההנפקה שוויה של עליבאבא הוערך בכמאתיים שלושים ואחד מיליארד דולר. וכשלושה חודשים לאחר מכן שווי הקבוצה הגיע כבר לכמאתיים ותשעים מיליארד דולר. כיום נחשבת הקבוצה לפלטפורמת העסקים (ביזנס טו ביזנס) הגדולה בעולם. בישראל מיוצגת עליבאבא על ידי חברת גיים און. בחודש יוני האחרון פורסם כי קבוצת עליבאבא השקיעה כחמישה מיליון דולר בסטראט-אפ הישראלי טוויגל, שמפתח מנוע חיפוש מתקדם לאתרי קניות מקוונים. עליבאבא השקיעה בחברות נוספות בישראל בהם: כחמישה מיליון דולר בחברת הסייבר התעשייתי טטהריי, וכשמונה מיליון דולר בחברת טכנולוגיית הברקודים ויז’ואל-ליד.

סביב העולם בחמש שנים: זוג מוונקובר איילנד שט בסירת מפרש קטנה וחזר הביתה בשלום

רבים המתינו על החוף וקיבלו בצהלות שמחה את קאתי וביל נורי, שהשיטו את סירת המפרש הקטנה שלהם אל הנמל של סידני שבוונקובר איילנד. ועל מה מהומה הזאת? הזוג נורי סיים משט ארוך ומייגע סביב העולם שנמשך מחמש שנים. וזאת בסירה באורך 11.3 מטר בלבד שעשוייה מפיברגלס ושיוצרה לפני עשרים וחמש שנים. בסירה הפשוטה לא הותקנו שום אמצעי ניווט אלקטרוניים ואף לא מתקן מיים. אך הנורים עם הרבה תעוזה ותושייה הצליחו במשימה הקשה.

לביל נורי ניסיון רב בהפלגה והוא פשוט רצה להגשים חלום ישן ולשוט ברחבי העולם ולאורך זמן. קאתי שאף פעם לא הפליגה הסכימה להצטרף איך שהוא למסע המתיש והארוך בים, אותו החלו בחודש יוני של שנת 2011. בימים הראשונים היא מאוד נבהלה מהים הבלתי נגמר והגלים הגבוהים, ולא הבינה מדוע הסכימה בכלל להרפתקה הזו. לאחר מכן החלה במסע הארוך להירגע ולהינות מכל רגע, שלא היה משמעמם כלל ועיקר. השניים שטו לאורך חודשים ארוכים ועצרו למנוחה על אחד החופים שמצאו וחוזר חלילה. ביל ניווט את הסירה במשך שמונה עשרה שעות ביום, בעוד שקאתי עזרה במה שיכלה. ובעיקר בישלה, וטיפלה בכל מה שנמצא בתוך הסירה. הזוג חוו סערות קשות וגלים גבוהים, דגים מדהימים מכל הגדלים והסוגים ואיים אקזוטיים שונים ומשונים. בדרך פגשו מפליגים כמותם וארגנו עימם מסיבות חוף שמחות רוויות באלכוהול. את המסע ליוו השניים בבלוגים ארוכים וקטעי ווידאו שתיארו את החוויות המרגשות וכל מה שעברו. למרבית הפלא, הזוג נורי לא מתכוון לשכון על האדמה בקביעות ובקרוב החל יחלו לתכנן את המסע הארוך הבא שלהם. פרטים עדיין אין.

Glavin fights falsehoods

Terry Glavin (photo from Terry Glavin)

A self-described “man of the left,” journalist Terry Glavin discovered he was an “accidental Zionist” during the Israel-Hezbollah war in 2006, when he noticed how the mood of the antiwar movement on the left was “almost hysterical,” and that it was not, in fact, antiwar, but rather pro-Hezbollah.

“There was something deeply toxic about the phenomenon that described itself as antiwar,” he told the Independent, adding that, irrespective of one’s viewpoint on Israeli policy, “if one was to choose the only principled, progressive position, it would have been to be on Israel’s side.” And, he noted, “Arab friends and Palestinian activists [have] gravitated towards the same idea.”

The Irish-Canadian said he has since “been associated with a sturdy defence of Israel in Canada,” in his columns, which have appeared in the National Post, Vancouver Sun, Globe and Mail, Georgia Straight and Ottawa Citizen.

Glavin will be among the speakers at this year’s FEDtalks on Sept. 22 at Queen Elizabeth Theatre, helping to launch the Metro Vancouver Jewish community’s annual campaign.

In addition to his vast and varied published subject matter, Glavin’s work as a journalist has taken him around the globe. His talk will examine, among other ideas, what Canada could contribute for healing the world, as well as what it means to be an “accidental Zionist,” a phrase he said he borrowed from Martin Sampson of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs.

In his work, Glavin strives to clarify the clashes in Israel, to help people understand them better.

“It’s not an Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The war is with Hamas,” he said. “Who are the worst enemies of Palestinian freedom? It’s not Bibi Netanyahu. The most devoted committed enemy of Palestinian sovereignty, Palestinian liberty, rule of law, democracy, freedom are Hamas, Islamic jihad, Hezbollah and Tehran.

“Anyone who apologizes for them, reiterates their propaganda lines, is an enemy of the Palestinians and their freedoms.”

Having researched and written about the hatred of Jews and Israel, he concludes, “There is something unique about antisemitism.

“It’s not just another bigotry. This talk of Israel eliminationism – if it’s not antisemitism, what is it? It might not be Judenrein (free of Jews), but it’s Judenstaatrein, no Jewish state,” he said.

“The Jews are unique, entitled to a nation-state of their own … [as much,] if not more, than any other nationality on earth.”

The liberal left, moreover, has some self-reflecting to do, to know that “certain postures, certain habits of speech, are now unacceptable, and some obsessive preoccupations are no longer tolerated,” he said.

In his opinion, these statements include using the term Zionist as a pejorative, “a term of abuse”; saying that “Israel is the primary impediment to peace in the Middle East”; and claiming the “false idea that criticism of Israel is automatically antisemitic.”

Seeking to bust this latter myth, in a bulk email to journalist colleagues, Glavin asked if any of them could offer an example where a legitimate critique of Israel has been denounced as antisemitism.

“It didn’t exist,” said Glavin. “I could not find any reputable Jewish or Israel organization or individuals who ever introduced a legitimate criticism of Israel as antisemitic. It’s a canard.”

Meanwhile, another falsehood emanating from the left and from leaders of the Arab world, he said, is the idea that Israel is to blame for the region’s – and, sometimes, the world’s – ills.

“This is what one Arab dictator after the next has forced down the throats of generations of Arabs to explain their own destitution and dysfunction,” he said.

Some are rejecting that narrative, however.

“The people have begun to discover they’ve been lied to – that Israel isn’t the problem,” said Glavin. “The jackboot on [their] neck is Baathist, not Israel.”

For tickets to FEDtalks and information on all of the speakers, visit jewishvancouver.com/fedtalks2016.

Dave Gordon is a Toronto-based freelance writer whose work has appeared in more than a hundred publications around the world.

BDS puts Green party in turmoil

In early August, the Green Party of Canada voted at its national convention to endorse boycott-divestment-sanctions (BDS) measures against segments of Israel’s economy and society. BDS advocates were quick to claim victory, citing that the Greens are now the first Canadian political party of any significance to support BDS.

But not so fast.

In the wake of the vote, party leader Elizabeth May immediately declared she was “devastated” by the decision and “disappointed that the membership has adopted a policy in favor of a movement that I believe to be polarizing, ineffective and unhelpful in the quest for peace and security for the peoples of the Middle East.” May added that, “as is the right of any member, I will continue to express personal opposition to BDS” – a breath-taking statement to hear from a party leader, particularly when the leader is the party’s sole voice in Parliament.

In the weeks that followed, May openly mused to the media about how this entire episode was causing her to rethink her future in the Green party. In an interview with CBC Radio, May talked about the possibility of walking away from the party: “I would say as of this minute I think I’d have real difficulties going not just to an election but through the next month. There are a lot of issues I want to be talking about with Canadians, and this isn’t one of them.”

And May wasn’t alone. The leader of the Green Party of British Columbia, Andrew Weaver, issued a scathing statement disavowing the federal party’s decision. “This is not a policy that I nor the B.C. Green party support,” said Weaver. “I think the Green Party of Canada needs to take a careful look at their policy process and ask themselves how a policy that goes against Green party values could have been allowed on the floor of a convention.”

Various Green candidates likewise condemned the decision. One from Ottawa said, “I’m in a state of disbelief.… I don’t agree with it, I don’t like having that over me going into [the next] election.” Another, from Halifax, said the policy is “destructive for the party.… Every country has its issues. When we specifically single out Israelis, I worry about the buzzwords and subtext and code language, which is antisemitic.”

A party torn apart. A leader willing to quit. Controversial headlines eclipsing anything else the party intended to highlight coming out of convention. Is this what a BDS victory looks like?

The fight against BDS revolves around psychology much more than economics. Israel’s economy is strong, with trade and ties growing despite calls for BDS. But, on the psychological level, BDS activities have the potential to poison attitudes toward Israel among civil society organizations and demoralize the Jewish community. On both levels, BDS proponents failed when it comes to the Green party.

While May has since declared she will stay on as leader, every Green voter should be outraged that BDS activists – in using the party to promote their own marginal agenda – nearly pushed the Greens’ only voice in Parliament out of the party. If anything, this initiative has exposed the toxic nature of BDS to those it intended to seduce. As CIJA Chair David Cape recently wrote: “Once again, BDS has proven bitterly and publicly divisive for political parties that contemplate endorsing it. In this case, BDS has sown resentment among Greens and come at a great cost for anti-Israel activists.”

And when it comes to the morale of the Jewish community, this issue has mobilized thousands of Jewish Canadians across the political spectrum (including former Green party members) to speak out and condemn the party’s hostility toward Israel. In a matter of weeks, CIJA galvanized some 7,500 Canadians to email the Green party’s leadership to express their opposition to this initiative. Without question, our united efforts had an impact, with May openly admitting BDS is “very clearly a polarizing movement that leaves most of the Jewish community in Canada feeling that it is antisemitic.”

Hopefully, this will spur May and other Greens to take the steps needed to annul the BDS policy and regain control of the party’s direction from those behind this hateful agenda.

Steve McDonald is deputy director, communications and public affairs, at the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs.

גלית ברעם נכנסה לתפקידה

גלית ברעם אמדור נכנסה בראשית החודש לתפקידה החדש כקונסול הכללי של ישראל בטורונטו ומערב קנדה. (צילום: twitter.com/galibaram)

גלית ברעם אמדור נכנסה לתפקידה כקונסול הכללי של ישראל בטורונטו ומערב קנדה

גלית ברעם אמדור נכנסה בראשית החודש לתפקידה החדש כקונסול הכללי של ישראל בטורונטו ומערב קנדה. ממשלת ישראל אישרה בחודש ינואר השנה את מינויה של ברעם אמדור לתפקיד, עם שורה של מינויים בכירים נוספים בשירות החוץ. ברעם אמדור החליפה את די. ג’יי שניוויס, ששימש בתפקיד הקונסול של טורונטו ומערב קנדה מאז 2012.

ברעם אמדור תדבר על האירועים האחרונים בישראל והתוכניות שלה לגבי טורונטו ומערב קנדה, בשיחת ועידה טלפונית לחברי הקהילה היהודית ובעיקר לישראלים, ביום שישי הקרוב (26 בחודש), בשעה 9 בבוקר לפי שעון מחוז בריטיש קולומביה.

לברעם אמדור (שדוברת גם אנגלית ורוסית) ניסיון רב ועשיר במשרד החוץ והיא החזיקה בשורה של תפקידים בכירים בישראל ומחוצה לה. בין היתר: שימשה כמנהלת המחלקה של התחום הפלסטיני ושיתוף הפעולה האזורי במשרד החוץ (במשך כשנתיים וחצי). לפני כן שימשה בתפקיד הקונסול של ישראל ברוסיה, אוקראינה ובלארוס (משך כשנה וחצי), הקונסול של ישראל בשגרירות ישראל בוושינגטון (במשך כשלוש שנים), הקונסול של ישראל בשגרירות ישראל בקהיר (במשך כשלוש שנים), סגן מנהל תחום מרכז אסיה במשרד החוץ (במשך כשלוש שנים), ומזכיר ראשון בשגרירות ישראל במוסקבה (במשך כחמש שנים).

חתונה הפכה לסיוט: צעירה שנערכה להתחתן עם אהובה גילתה שהוא נשוי ויש לו שני ילדים

זוג צעיר בגילאי השלושים מאזור ונקובר נערך למסד את מערכת היחסים ביניהם, ולהתחתן החודש בריצ’מונד. הצעירה הוציאה למעלה מעשרים אלף דולר על מתנות, תכשיטים וכל מה שצריך לחתונה, והזמנות לאירוע נשלחו לאורחים. אך 11 יום לפני החתונה הכלה המיועדת גילתה שבעלה לעתיד הוא בעצם גבר נשוי ויש לו אף שני ילדים.

הזוג הכיר לפני שנתיים באמצעות אתר אינטרנט להכרויות. הם בילו הרבה ביחד ובספטמבר לפני שנה בעת טיול ליפאן, הצעיר הפתיע את אהובתו והציע לה להתחתן והעניק לה טבעת. מאותו רגע החלו השניים לתכנן החתונה במרץ. לאט לאט החלו לצוץ בעיות שונות מצדו של הגבר, אך אשתו לעתיד לא חשבה שיש לכך משמעות. פעם אחת הוא סיפר לה שהוריו שגרים בהודו לא מאושרים כל כך מהחתונה, כיוון שמשפחתה לא מספיק עשירה. לאחר מכן הוא סיפר כי אמו חלתה במחלה חשוכה והמשפחה במצב נפשי קשה. למרות כל הבעל לעתיד ביקש מאשתו לעתיד שלא להפסיק בהכנות לחתונה אלה להמשיכן כמתוכנן.

האמת על מצבו התגלתה לאחר שפגישה מתוכננת בין משפחות שני הצדדים שבועות ספורים לפני החתונה לא יצאה אל הפועל. משפחת הכלה הבינה שמשהו מוזר קורה והחליטה לנקוט מעשה. הוריה, אחיה והיא עצמה נסעו לאבוטספורד לראות את קרוביו של חתנה. את דלת בית המשפחה פתחה אישה שהציגה עצמה כשאשתו של החתן, מזה 13 שנה. הכלה המיועדת שהייתה בשוק ביקשה מאשתו להציג לה תמונות מהחתונה שלהם. פתאם הופיעו בסלון שני ילדיו הקטנים של הבעל (בגילאי 4 ו-10) שכל כך דומים לו, כך שלא היה צריך בהוכחות נוספות להוכחת המירמה. לאחר מספר דקות הגיע הגבר הנשוי שהוא גם החתן המיועד ונאלץ להתמודד עם התקפות הזעם מצד שתי הנשים בחייו. הוא לא הפסיק להתנצל וכמעט כרע על ברכיו, וטען להגנתו שהמניע להתנהגותו נובע מהעובדה שהוא לקה במחלת נפש.

הכלה נערכת בימים אלה להגשת תביעה כספית נגד אהובה הרמאי, בהיקף כ-53 אלף דולר, לכסות את כל ההוצאות הגבוהות שנגרמו לה עקב החתונה שלא יצאה אל הפועל.

Fogel on health, Trudeau, BDS

Shimon Fogel, chief executive officer of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (photo from CIJA)

Shimon Fogel, chief executive officer of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), was in Vancouver June 20 to speak at the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver’s annual general meeting. He spoke with the Jewish Independent prior to the gathering.

“CIJA does not regard itself as an independent organization with an independent ego,” he said. “We very much see ourselves as an internal mechanism of the community. We regard making a presentation at the AGM as addressing our stakeholders and providing an assessment of what value we add to the Federation program, and giving an opportunity to receive feedback.

“This takes us back to what the rationale was in consolidating different Jewish organizations together and the value of integrating all of the different silos that emerged in the Jewish community, for good reasons in their time,” he said, referring to the merging of Canadian Jewish Congress and the Canada-Israel Committee to form CIJA in 2011. “Integrating everything ensures that there is an holistic approach. It also provides us with an opportunity to show Canadians that we are not unidimensional. If I were just working within the Canada-Israel Committee, you would think that there were no issues of importance to me other than Israel, but the truth is that I am as seized with the issue of the protection of transgender rights as I am with immigration issues and having a meaningful response to the international refugee crisis.”

The dissolution of CJC and the CIC was controversial at the time, however, and there are community members who still feel their absence.

“We were never sanguine about people’s attachment to the CJC,” said Fogel. “It had a long and storied history. There were points during that history when the CJC shined as an example not just in Canada, but internationally. There was never an intent to diminish that or marginalize the importance that they had. The reality was that the political landscape changed, pressures within the community in terms of limited resources came to bear, and there was a need to eliminate the kind of competition that was emerging between one agenda and another…. Confusion was beginning about this alphabet of acronyms and who does what, and this made it obvious that there was real benefit in consolidation.”

The issues with which CJC dealt remain on CIJA’s agenda, said Fogel. “On balance, at any given time, we’re spending way more than 50% of our time and resources both staff and programming on things other than Israel,” he said.

As an example, the week prior to when Fogel spoke with the Independent, an interfaith coalition called on elected officials “to support a robust, well-resourced, national palliative care strategy.” CIJA was involved in this initiative.

“The recent discussion about physician-assisted dying (PAD) [prompted by Bill C-14] begs a larger question, one that we have been concerned about for a long time, but didn’t lend itself to the kind of focused attention that we were able to secure in the last few weeks,” explained Fogel. “All evidence, if we look at the countries that have adopted some kind of protocol with regard to PAD, points to the conclusion that almost no one in a given society accesses that option to manage their end-of-life situation.

“If we were to translate it to Canadian terms, I don’t know that we would have two dozen a year who would be availing themselves of that option. What that means is a need to ensure that resources are in place to provide support for the individual who is suffering the illness and, no less importantly, for their family members, the front-line caregivers, who are assisting and supporting the individual as they approach end of life. Because there was such a focus on PAD, we felt that it should not be lost in the course of the public policy debate that what’s really important for Canadians to appreciate is that as we are confronted by an aging population and we need to look at improving palliative care options. We had to wrap our heads around a national strategy that was going to ensure the same set of standards that are applied to other dimensions of the health-care system. A discussion now about palliative care is an important and therapeutic complement to the narrow-band discussion about PAD.”

Palliative care covers a much broader range of issues and affects a much larger group of people than PAD. With the aging population, said Fogel, “we have adult children who have become caregivers, who are being torn in multiple directions, between home responsibilities and work, between attending to their parents and attending to their children; it is costing them physically, emotionally and financially.

Accommodation in the workplace is not what it should be, and the provision of relief support is not there in an adequate way and, sometimes, not there at all; for example, in communities outside of the largest urban centres.

“We want governments to direct their attention to this. We are coming up to a new national-provincial agreement on the provision of health care in the next year or so. This is a health-care issue, not a social or political issue. It has to be seen as part and parcel of the package of health-care services that are provided, or there is no hope of getting it addressed in any kind of meaningful way.

“There are things that are unique to the Jewish community but most things are generic and we have to constantly reinforce that the experience of the Jewish community is simply a reflection of the broader experience within Canadian society,” he added. “Because we are a little more sophisticated in our infrastructure and the importance that we attach to communal organization, we are often at the leading edge of issues, so reaching out and partnering with others is both important to advance the issue and provides us with an opportunity to develop relationships that are important both for Canada as a society and for us.”

One of those to whom CIJA reached out was Prime Minister Justin Trudeau – well before he and the Liberal party were elected last fall.

“There were some challenging times a number of years ago and, in that period, the Conservative party asserted themselves as a party that was remarkably sensitive and responsive to the needs of the Jewish community, not just with regards to Israel but on issues of antisemitism and inclusion,” Fogel said. “That skewed things perceptually more than they might have been otherwise, but we’ve never stopped investing in the Liberal party.

“People like Justin Trudeau were individuals who we reached out to and brought to Israel long before he was a candidate. He went with his wife and then facilitated all of his advisers to participate in trips to Israel, so we greeted the new government knowing all of the principals and having developed a very, very close and positive relationship.

“That it’s a very different government is beyond question and that’s really genetic to their whole approach to things,” Fogel acknowledged. “They attach a great deal of importance to multilateralism and that’s distinct from the approach of the previous government, which was fond of saying that it was driven by principle and principle alone. The Trudeau government sees inherent value in partnering with other countries. That brings its own challenges because, when you are just responsible for your own opinion, you can articulate whatever opinion you want; when you want to join with others, it means accommodating different views, whether they are substantially different or it’s just nuance.

“That having been said, I think that the record over the last eight months has been remarkably strong. I’m fond of pointing to what many saw as a low point as proof that things really are quite good. You will recall back on International Holocaust Remembrance Day, some were quite upset that in the initial comment from the PMO [Prime Minister’s Office] there was no explicit reference to Jews. Now, I know how that happened. January is still very early days in the new government, they were still staffing up. This was a whole new government and really a whole new generation – 10 years is a long time in politics. Not everything was in place [for the Liberal government], and this was an absolutely honest oversight.

“The real test,” said Fogel, “wasn’t that a comment was released that didn’t include the word ‘Jewish’ – the test was that, within half an hour after we had flagged for them that this wasn’t being well received, a new statement was issued which was quite explicit. The degree of responsiveness that the government demonstrates for a concern expressed by the Jewish community is the real test for the quality of the relationship.”

CIJA does not take its relationship with the government for granted.

“We’re grateful for it,” said Fogel. “Even in terms of things that are Israel-related. We think the French-led initiative on an Israeli-Palestinian peace process is not just unhelpful, it has the potential to push back a peace process rather than serving as a catalyst for it. Now, because of Canada’s desire to be part of the international effort on anything, doesn’t matter what, Canada wanted to participate in a conference on that a few weeks back, which we accept because that’s the orientation of this government.

“What we had asked for was for Canada to advocate for a particular direction, and they were very responsive. They made the point about nothing replacing direct negotiations and that established resolutions like [the 1967 United Nations Security Council Resolution] 242 had to be seen as the foundation for anything going forward. For good measure, they threw in that Israel was their strong ally, language which does not go way back in Canadian descriptions of the relationship with Israel.

“I don’t think it’s going to remain so consistently good on each issue that comes up,” he cautioned. “I think there will be times we differ from the government. People find it a little hard to believe, but we differed from the last government too and the relationship was sustained notwithstanding.”

One issue on which the current and previous federal governments have agreed is their condemnation of the boycott, divestment and sanction movement against Israel. The issue is high on CIJA’s agenda, of course.

“I see the BDS movement as inherently toxic,” said Fogel. “I see it as antisemitic and I see it as a base, cynical strategy. What it does is exploit the natural and rightful resonance that human rights language has. The language of human rights has become almost a secular religion and it resonates with people so, when that is the language used in order to promote and advocate for something, the default inclination of most people of goodwill would be if not to embrace it, at least to refrain from criticizing it. Yet, we know that the genesis of the BDS movement is in anything but human rights, and core promoters don’t hide their core agenda to delegitimize, isolate and dismantle the Jewish state. What I’m gratified at is that the progressive majority have come to recognize that BDS is not about critiquing a particular Israeli government or position, it’s about denying the right to self-determination of the Jewish people in a way that differentiates from the way you would treat any other group. The way that it iterates antisemitic tropes has prompted many to push away from association with BDS, so I do take some encouragement from people finally starting to apply critical thinking to and connecting the dots and saying, no, this isn’t what it appears to be.”

When asked what are the most effective strategies for the Canadian Jewish community to fight against the negative aspects of the BDS campaign, Fogel said, “I don’t think it is limited to BDS – I think the best strategies to advance understanding boil down to three things.

“We have to be intellectually honest about who we are. The Jewish community offers something valuable to the larger society, and we should be eager to share that and to use that as a way to achieve the second thing, which is to partner with others. We have much more in common with others than that which separates us. We have a rich legacy to share. We have experiences that are instructive and helpful to others in terms of challenges that they face and, very often, we find ourselves in the position of providing advice and direction.

“The third is recognizing that we have to reach out to others on the basis of what is meaningful to them. I can feel whatever I feel about anything but I will never be able to present a persuasive argument if they can’t relate to the terms of reference. This has been, I think, both our greatest source of success and the greatest source of criticism from some sectors of the Jewish community. We can’t indulge in those emotionally satisfying but superficial arguments where we pound our fist on the table and say that we’re right because we have justice on our side; because, for most, that has no meaning and we’re simply relegated to the same place as our adversaries by those who can relate to neither. We have to communicate on the basis of shared values.”

Matthew Gindin is a Vancouver freelance writer and journalist. He blogs on spirituality and social justice at seeking her voice (hashkata.com) and has been published in the Forward, Tikkun, Elephant Journal and elsewhere.

Humanitarian delivery

Humanitarian goods from Turkey arrive at the Kerem Shalom crossing point into the Gaza Strip; it was the first such shipment to arrive in Israel from Turkey since the reestablishment of ties between the two countries at the end of last month. (photo from Ashernet)

The families of Israel Defence Forces soldiers Oren Shaul and Hadar Goldin – both of whom were killed two years ago in Operation Protective Edge and whose bodies are still held by Hamas – were dissatisfied with the reconciliation agreement between the two countries, as it did not include the return of their sons’ bodies or the return of two Israeli citizens, Avraham Mengistu and Hisham al-Sayyad, imprisoned in the Gaza Strip. Many also objected at the apology by Israel to the Turkish government, together with a $20 million compensation package, over the May 2010 IDF raid on the Gaza-bound Turkish ship Mavi Marmara, which resulted in the deaths of 10 Turkish citizens after the activists on board attacked the IDF soldiers; it was this event that caused the break in Turkish-Israeli relations.

Impact of Brexit vote

In the historic referendum last week, the United Kingdom voted to leave the 28-nation European Union (EU), sending shockwaves throughout Europe and the international community. The results of the so-called “Brexit” vote – 52% in favor of exiting the EU and 48% opposed – spurred the resignation of U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron and called into question the identity and strength of the EU, while leaving many nations, including Israel, wondering how the vote will affect policy and trade in the years ahead.

“It’s hard to know what is going to happen, and nothing is going to happen right away,” said Dr. Oded Eran, the former Israeli ambassador to the EU. “There is no doubt that Israel will be left to follow the agreements that will be made between the United Kingdom and the European Union, and to adjust its economic and trade relations with Britain accordingly.”

Opposition leaders in France and the Netherlands have hailed British voters’ decision, calling for similar referendums on EU membership in their countries. “This is the dilemma that the European Union will face,” Eran said. “If Britain was a singular case, then this would be a simpler situation.”

A major factor in the Brexit vote was the influx of Muslim immigration into Europe. Supporters of the Brexit suggested that Muslim immigration threatens the distinct character of European nations.

Opponents of leaving the EU cited growing xenophobia and anti-Islamic sentiment in British society, often coupled with antisemitic sentiments.

According to Fiamma Nirenstein – a former Italian parliamentarian who served as vice-president of the parliament’s committee on foreign affairs and as a member of the Italian delegation to the Council of Europe – there are opposing views within Europe’s Jewish communities on the causes and potential consequences of the Brexit vote.

Nirenstein noted that one school of thought views the Brexit vote “as a sort of punishment for Europe” for growing anti-Israel and antisemitic sentiment.

“Over the past century, Europe has been so bad to the Jews,” she said. “And, increasingly now, Europe is against Israeli actions, and Europe is seeing an explosion of antisemitism. So, in the view of one camp, there is something wrong with Europe and something needed to happen to demonstrate that, and the Brexit vote represents this.”

On the other side, Nirenstein suggested, is a second camp that views the Brexit vote negatively – “as an event that strengthens and empowers an illiberal right-wing sentiment throughout Europe,” a sentiment that is simultaneously antisemitic and anti-Islamic and, at its core, anti-immigration.

“As a people that have ourselves been strangers in many lands, Jews have always identified with the value of welcoming the other, so this camp of Jews is against the [Brexit] vote,” said Nirenstein, who also served as chairperson of the International Council of Jewish Parliamentarians.

 

Read more at jns.org.

Why are you attached to Israel?

I was recently invited to speak to an Ottawa-based Israeli-Palestinian relations group on the topic of Canadian Jews and Israel. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of public opinion data available on Canadian Jewish attitudes. We have some broad strokes on identity issues, though. In addition to Conservative Judaism – rather than Reform – being our largest denomination, Canadian Jews, compared to American Jews, are one generation closer to the Holocaust, are more likely to speak Hebrew, educate their kids Jewishly, and to have visited Israel. Most central to my talk though, was how Canadian Jewish institutions are responding to attempts to challenge Israel as a Jewish state, including the boycott movement.

A lively Q&A followed, but there was one question that stopped me in my tracks. What is it about Israel, a man asked, that makes you feel attached to it? He seemed genuinely curious and rather puzzled, so puzzled that he asked it twice.

Being in the field that I am in, I have a ready answer, but I know I am not typical. My own attachment to Israel centres primarily on a deep passion for Hebrew and Israeli culture. I lived in Israel for three separate years in my 20s, I speak only Hebrew to my kids, I alternate my Netflix watching with Israeli dramas and I am as likely to binge listen to “The Last Waltz” as to Kaveret’s final concert album. My daughter’s d’var Torah at her bat mitzvah was the only one I’ve heard reference Arik Einstein lyrics. Of course, the attention I devote to Israel is partly a function of my profession, but I chose my area of study based on a great sense of attachment to the country and a desire to understand how the Israeli-Palestinian region can become a more just and humane place.

But what of my fellow Canadian Jews? Those of my parents’ generation, who grew up in the shadow of the Holocaust, might view Israel as an insurance policy in the event of the unthinkable. Religious Jews might feel a profound spiritual connection to the land. But what of the many less religious Canadian Jews of my generation (and younger), those for whom Canada, with its absolute commitment to freedom, tolerance and multiculturalism is as safe a haven as any they could imagine; those for whom particular stones on particular bits of territory are not understood to hold sacred meaning, and for whom Hebrew or Israeli contemporary culture is not something that pulls them?

What does Israel mean to these Jews who are unlike my parents, unlike religious Zionists and unlike me?

I encourage my fellow Canadian Jews to articulate their attachments. Doing so with nuance and open hearts may help uncover new political arrangements. Maybe it would point to two states, maybe a confederation system where everyone has access to all the land but possesses citizenship in only one state (as Dahlia Scheindlin and Dov Waxman have proposed), and maybe even a single state where both languages and cultures are carefully preserved. We should ask what threat, exactly, does refugee return pose, rather than leave it as an imaginary bugaboo. Being explicit about our emotional ties – while being open to hearing the emotional experiences of others – may bring us closer to supporting creative peace efforts.

A postscript. A survey of the Canadian Jewish community is currently being circulated by Jewish Federations of Canada-United Israel Appeal, and British Columbians can respond online via svy.mk/20qCWb7. The survey is being conducted by David Elcott and Stuart Himmelfarb, both of New York University’s Wagner Graduate School of Public Service. As I recall, there is only one question on Israel, which asks whether the respondent feels “attached” to the country. Attachment is associated with many different perspectives, and says nothing about one’s commitment to human rights for those under Israel’s control, for example. I hope that we may soon see more in-depth survey research on Canadian Jewish attitudes towards Israel and its policies.

Mira Sucharov is an associate professor of political science at Carleton University. She is a columnist for Canadian Jewish News and contributes to Haaretz and the Jewish Daily Forward, among other publications. This article was originally published in the CJN.