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January 17, 2003
Shinui's popularity rises
Disaffected secular Jews abandon Labor and Likud.
ALEXIS PAVLICH SPECIAL TO THE JEWISH BULLETIN
When it was announced that Israelis would go to the polls in January,
I casually e-mailed a few Israeli friends of mine and asked them
how they intend to vote in the upcoming elections. I immediately
received two responses that surprised me. Both Kobi, a 26-year-old
computer engineer from Rishon Letzion, and Hod, a 30-year-old computer
programmer from Ramat Gan, declared emphatic support for the Shinui
(Change) party. My surprise emanated from the fact that these two
young men are traditional supporters of Labor and Likud, respectively.
I suspected I knew exactly why they intend to support Shinui, but
I asked them to explain to me their reasons for casting ballots
in favor of the newly popular, centrist political party headed by
Tommy Lapid. They both replied that they intend to vote Shinui because
they "hate the dosim (ultra-Orthodox)."
I decided to follow up to see if any other friends intend to vote
Shinui. Indeed, they do. Dan, a 34-year-old Webmaster currently
living in Ramat Aviv, has decided to forgo his support for Labor
in favor of Shinui because he is "sick of both big parties
as well as the religious parties." Amnon, a 27-year-old accounting
student from Zichron Ya'akov, traditionally supports Labor, but
he wrote me that in these elections he intends to vote for either
the leftist Meretz party or Shinui. He states unequivocally that
he will not give his vote to either of the two big parties since
they are always "screwing the secular middle class."
In addition to the struggle that engages Israel and the Palestinians,
a fierce battle rages within Israel between religious and secular
elements. That issue is becoming one of primary concern. In recent
years, many secular Israelis have become increasingly frustrated
with the political clout religious groups wield in the Knesset.
Labor and Likud both pander to the demands of religious parties
in order to garner their support in the Knesset. Consider the following
"hot" topics that fuel the conflict between secular and
religious elements.
First, many secular Israelis resent the fact that a large number
of ultra-Orthodox Israelis – men and women – do not serve
in the army. The Tal Law exempts them. The ultra-Orthodox aspire
to take control of "greater Israel," but few risk their
lives serving their country in combat positions.
Second, many Charedim do not work. Their ability to study religion
full time is made possible by government handouts. Increasing numbers
of average, middle-class, tax-paying Israelis no longer want to
support financially the lifestyle of the ultra-Orthodox – particularly
at the present time. The current economic situation is grave and
many Israelis believe that monies used to support the ultra-Orthodox
could be put to better use.
Third, secular Israelis object to attempts by the ultra-Orthodox
to dictate terms of society. Their efforts to stifle religious pluralism
are considered tantamount to religious coercion. Indeed, the ultra-Orthodox
sought to overturn secular city council decisions, such as those
passed in Herzeliya and Kfar Saba, which permit shops in malls to
remain open on Shabbat for secular Israeli shoppers. Incidentally,
Israelis flock to independent stores operated on Saturdays by kibbutzim
and moshavim, not to mention Arab villages on both sides of the
Green Line, at least before the current intifada. Toys R Us and
Office Depot are but two examples of stores operated by Kibbutz
Shefayim at the Shefayim Mall on the coastal road.
Finally, increasing numbers of young Israelis return from travel
abroad with non-Jewish partners whom they wish to marry in non-religious,
or civil, ceremonies. As well, many potential converts are frustrated
by the fact that the only way to become a recognized Jew in Israel
is to undergo an Orthodox conversion. The government-appointed Neeman
Commission recommended the establishment of joint conversion schools
that would embrace Reform, Conservative and Orthodox conversions,
but the Chief Rabbinate has not been supportive of the initiative.
This is only a brief overview of the many issues that divide the
secular and religious communities. To be sure, conflicts of a religious-secular
nature materialized even before the state was created. However,
present-day Israel is characterized by ever-increasing animosity
and intolerance between the two sides. I have witnessed the "competition"
between the two sides to garner public support. I lived in Ramat
Aviv, a predominatly secular neighborhood where the ultra-Orthodox
have attempted (and succeeded) to make inroads. Every Friday, they
set up tables from which they offer passers-by Shabbat candles and
encourage males to put on tefillin. Most often there is another
table nearby where volunteers from the secular group Am Hofshi
(Free People) stage their opposition to the religious presence and
hand out leaflets to provoke your interest in their cause. The debate
persists: Should Israel be a Jewish state or a state for the Jews?
It is the latter social formation that characterizes the vision
of Shinui.
Shinui promotes itself as a "democratic, secular, liberal,
Zionist, peace-seeking party." It devotes much of its effort
to championing secular interests and has enjoyed more support in
recent years. Indeed, Shinui increased its representation in the
Knesset to six MKs (from one) in the 1999 elections, not because
of its economic policies, but because it was the first party to
say that it wouldn't join in a government that included the ultra-Orthodox
parties. Indeed, secular Israelis punished former Prime Minister
Ehud Barak for reneging on his campaign promise – once he co-opted
the ultra-Orthodox party Shas into his government – to reverse
the Tal Law that grants legitimacy to Charedi "draft-dodgers."
I certainly understand why many Israelis are attracted to Shinui,
but I was surprised to learn that my politically astute friends
would switch their votes away from Labor or Likud in the upcoming
elections. Given the current state of affairs with the Palestinians
and the fact that the two large parties advocate radically different
agendas concerning the "peace process," I had anticipated
that all my friends would cast votes for one of these parties, rather
than picking a middle-of-the-road party like Shinui. However, it
appears that some of them have reassessed their political priorities.
Hod, for example, is pessimistic in his outlook regarding the Palestinian
question. He does not believe that the situation can be resolved
in the near future and is hardly bothered by that thought. Indeed,
Israel has fought an existential battle since her inception and
has flourished despite the turmoil. He maintains that domestic issues
of concern that have thus far been placed on the back-burner as
a result of the security situation should now move to the forefront
of the political agenda. He puts his faith in a party not tainted
by corruption (and one that vows to stand against it) that he believes
can lead the country to a new place – economically, politically
and socially.
Perhaps his optimism is naive or perhaps I underestimate the number
of disaffected secular Israelis looking for "Change" and
the potential of Shinui to capitalize on their resentment. On the
other hand, Hagit (a 27-year-old social worker from a kibbutz in
the north who intends to forgo her traditional support for Labor
in favor of Meretz) claims that Shinui's potential is limited, as
the party is viewed as elitist, representing only the interests
of wealthy Ashkenazim.
Yet opinion polls position Shinui in good stead. Indeed, it is predicted
that Shinui will become the third largest party in Knesset. Certainly
anything can happen between now and Jan. 28. But if Shinui does
usurp Shas as the third largest party in Knesset, the implications
could be remarkable, particularly if the secular Laborite Amram
Mitzna, who advocates civil marriages and public transportation
on Shabbat, heads up the country.
Clearly, the growth of Shinui constitutes a reaction to the growth
of Shas (in terms of numbers, which then translate into political
power) and indicates the failure of both Labor and Likud to effectively
represent the interests of a large number of their constituents.
The growth of Shinui also reflects the new Israel that is characterized
by increasing numbers of special-interest groups and parties. Israel
is no longer a country dominated by two large political parties.
Rather, the political arena reflects ethnic and religious diversity
and a high degree of political pluralism. And my friends represent
an unofficial sample of secular Israelis who seek change in the
direction of their country.
Alexis Pavlich, a Vancouver native, lived in Israel for
a number of years where she studied the history and politics of
Israel and the Middle East at both the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
and Tel-Aviv University. She is a freelance writer.
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